voured to excite a conspiracy, and had interposed also with the republic of Geneva. Did it, he asked, follow, because the French did not attack the king of Prussia when they were warmly engaged against their other enemies, that they would have paid the same attention to a general peace? They would then indulge those passions of resentment, ambition, or caprice, to which a military The two republic might be supposed to be liable. countries of Great Britain and Hanover could not pursue the same line of policy, from their different situation. He denied that he had made war upon private opinions, for the purpose of extirpating them. French contended, that they alone had the only lawful government: if we had subdued the malignity of that opinion, we had vindicated ourselves and Europe from the greatest dangers.

The

DUKE OF BEDFORD.

On the Address to his Majesty.

He thought, when an address was proposed to be carried to the throne, that it was consistent with the dignity of parliament to adopt a language of its own, rather than that of the minister. He should therefore recommend language very different from that of the address proposed. The inability of the French to continue the contest, had been the constant theme of ministers from the commencement of the war; and the ingenuity of ad ministration in contriving excuses for carrying it on, was admirable. Years ago, their lordships had been told that the French could not hold out three months

longer; but practice, opposed to theory; had proved; that, in proportion as ministers had affected to depreciate their resources, their vigour had increased. The improvements, said by ministers in the speech to have taken place since the last year, he spoke of as a gross and palpable misrepresentation. He did not expect to hear it stated as a matter of triumph on our part, that the French had not been able to over-run Italy. If this was triumph, he should soon expect to hear it was a matter of satisfaction that we still existed as a nation. We were told that the advantages obtained by the enemy were far from compensating the calamities of war. This was true; for victory after victory, without one defeat, could not do this; but if this was the case with the victorious party, what was our condition, without victory, with many defeats and losses, and the desertion of our allies? If, as we are told, the French people wished for peace, of which he had no doubt, what must be the wish of the people here in their present suffering situation? His grace said, he had expected some hopes to have been held out, when we were told that France was come to a crisis that would produce important events to Europe. Did ministers mean to insinuate that the present government of France was not such as was capable of keeping the faith of treaties? At this time they dared not attempt so gross a delusion on the understanding of their lordships. There never, indeed, was any thing solid in the objection to their ability to preserve the faith of treaties and neutralities, as was evident from repeated instances. His grace noticed the calamities already consequent upon the war, and the disasters of the last campaign. In the expedition to the coast of France, besides the sacrifice of many brave and illustrious men, who had often protested against the project, but who had no alternative, large quantities of ammunition and stores were wasted at a time when our poor were either starving or depending on the VOL. II.

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precarious bounty of the rich. In the west Indies, he thought none would say we stood upon a better footing than at the beginning of the war. What our losses in men there were, he was afraid to calculate. All these calamities, together with the dreadful evil of scarcity, his grace imputed, with many others, to the corruption and wickedness of administration; but in the opinion of all, to their weakness; and he exhorted parliament to tell the truth to their sovereign, who, was he once made acquainted with the wretchedness of his people, had too much goodness not to be struck with their suf ferings, and to take the only step by which they can be effectually relieved,-to give them peace. He concluded by moving, to entreat his majesty to review the state of affairs for the last three years, the desertion of the allies, the pillage or insecurity of the West Indies, the disgraceful or abortive expedition to France, and the unparalleled expenditure of blood and treasure :-that therefore the house entreated his majesty not to act on the opinion that the French could not preserve the relations of peace and amity, but that his majesty would take immediate and decisive measures for a negotiation for peace, without adverting to the government of France; and adding, that if the present government of France should refuse to treat, that house would persevere in a vigorous prosecution of the war.

LORD GRENVILLE.

On the same Subject.

HE contended, that the circumstances particularized in his majesty's speech were real and solid improvements in the situation of this country! In addition to the checks received by the French on the side of Italy and on the Rhine, our naval superiority had been more decidedly established since the last year than at any former period of our history. His lordship ably entered into the history of paper currency and assignats, to prove the impossibility of the French continuing their exertions, and cited the opinion of general Montesquieu, who, in a memorial on the subject had enforced the necessity of withdrawing a great part from circulation, and out of 13 milliards leaving only 3; but since that time the circulation had been increased. Every writer on the subject of paper currency was, he said, agreed, that such an enormous mass, so little proportioned to any solid capital, must at length accomplish the utter ruin of a state. By the exertions we had made, and by the distresses we had caused to be felt, the desire of peace had become general in France. The new constitution there was, his lordship said, a miserable and imperfect copy of ours; but with all its defects, it was a valuable acquisition to this country, as it might lay the foundation of peace. His lordship vindicated the speech of his majesty for expressing no determination to treat upon terms short of those which the country had a right to expect. He considered the advice which the duke wished to present to

his majesty as highly impolitic and extraordinary in the untried situation of the French government, and as justified by no distress, no pressure, no exigency. His lordship asserted, the scarcity was in no respect owing to the war; much of it was, he said, owing to the present unproductive situation of the Netherlands. The disaster at Quiberon had not occasioned it, as the grain which fell into the hands of the enemy consisted chiefly of the cargoes of some of the American ships which had been seized in their way to France. The bad success of that expedition was, he contended, solely to be ascribed to the treachery of the emigrant corps, which could not have been foreseen.

MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE.

On the same Subject.

He pointedly ridiculed the satisfaction enjoyed by the ministers, on finding that the prophecies he had formerly uttered in that house, on the conduct of our worthy allies, had been but half as bad in the accomplishment as they were predicted. After enumerating the victories of the French, and detailing the desertion of the allies, he wished to be informed, how many years of such im provement the nation would be able to bear? Judging of the future by the past, he had but little confidence in ministers; but if their boasts of our improvement and temporary success were well founded, this was, above all others, the most favourable season for negotiation. The empire could only be saved by peace; and it was of the utmost importance to preserve it entire. The old