strength, because I think it is the only security we have against the profligacy of the times, the corruption of the people, and the ambition of the crown.

I think I have weighed every possible objection that can be raised against a plan of this nature; and I confess I see but one which to me carries any appearance of solidity. It may be said, perhaps, that when the act passed for uniting the two kingdoms, the number of persons who were to represent the whole nation in parlia ment was proportioned and fixed on for ever-that the limitation is a fundamental article, and cannot be altered without hazarding a dissolution of the union.

My lords, no man who hears me can have a greater reverence for that wise and important act than I have. I revere the memory of that great prince who first formed the plan, and of those illustrious patriots who carried it into execution. As a contract, every article of it should be inviolable. As the common basis of the strength and happiness of two nations, every article of it should be sacred. I hope I cannot be suspected of conceiving a thought so detestable, as to propose an advantage to one of the contracting parties, at the expence of the other. No, my lords, I mean that the benefit should be universal, and the consent to receive it unanimous. Nothing less than a most urgent and important occasion should persuade me to vary even from the letter of the act; but there is no occasion, however urgent, however important, that should ever induce me to depart from the spirit of it. Let that spirit be religiously preserved. Let us follow the principle upon which the representation of the two countries was proportioned at the union; and when we increase the number of representatives for the English counties, let the shires of Scotland be allowed an equal privilege. On these terms, and while the proportion limited by the union is preserved between the two nations, I apprehend that no man, who is a friend to either, will object to an alteration, so necessary for the security of both. I do not speak of the authority of

the legislature to carry such a measure into effect, because I imagine no man will dispute it. But I would not wish the legislature to interpose by an exertion of its power alone, without the cheerful concurrence of all parties. My object is the happiness and security of the two nations, and I would not wish to obtain it without their mutual consent.

My lords, besides my warm approbation of the motion made by the noble lord, I have a particular and personal pleasure in rising up to second it. I consider my seconding his lordship's motion, and I would wish it to be considered by others, as a public demonstration of that cordial union which I am happy to affirm subsists between us-of my attachment to those principles which he has so well defended, and of my respect for his person. There has been a time, my lords, when those who wished well to neither of us, who wished to see us separated for ever, found a sufficient gratification for their malignity against us both. But that time is hap. pily at an end. The friends of this country will, I doubt not, hear with pleasure, that the noble lord and his friends are now united with me and mine, upon a principle which I trust will make our union indissoluble. It is not to possess, or divide, the emoluments of govern. ment; but, if possible, to save the state. Upon this ground we met upon this ground we stand, firm and inseparable. No ministerial artifices, no private offers, no secret seduction, can divide us. United as we are, we can set the profoundest policy of the present ministry their grand, their only arcanum of government, their divide et impera, at defiance.

I hope, an early day will be agreed to for considering the state of the nation. My infirmities must fall heavily upon me, indeed, if I do not attend my duties that day. When I consider my age and unhappy state of health, I feel how little I am personally inter ested in the event of any political question. But I look forward to others, and am determined as far as

my poor ability extends, to convey to those who come after me, the blessings which I cannot long hope to enjoy myself.

LORD SANDWICH.

On the Powers of the House of Commons in Matters of Election.

How the matter before us, he said, ever came to be a question in debate, or how it could be supposed that this house should, or could take cognizance of an affair that does not in any respect apply to them (the expulsion and incapacitation of members being acts only relative to the commons, to which they immediately belong,) is to me an object of as much surprise, as any I ever met with in the course of my being a member of this house.

Though the impropriety of this proceeding might be very easily exposed in theory, by proving particular inherent rights in either house uncontrolable by any other power, I shall avoid launching into so wide a field, and confine myself to the state of our journals, where we shall find many instances to prove the independent power either house has in the article of expulsion and incapacitation. Two fall immediately under my memory, which, as they are directly similar, I shall beg leave to remind your lordships of.

The first I shall mention was Lionel, earl of Middlesex, in the reign of Charles II. who, for certain crimes and misdemeanours, was considered not only as an improper person to officiate for the present, but for ever precluded and incapacitated to serve in this house. The other was that of lord Bacon, who, though a man of acknowledged great capacity, yet, on account of bribery and corruption being

proved against him, shared the same fate as the earl of Middlesex. Indeed this last instance is so very notorious, that I should not mention it to your lordships, but that it applies so directly to my present purpose.

In both these cases, we find no alarm from any of the other branches of legislation; they stood quite silent and undisturbed, knowing their interference was improper, as well as unnecessary; nor was there so much as a supposal, that either the laws of this house, or those of the land, had been in the least violated, or broke in upon.

I should be glad to know, my lords, how came this doctrine of late to be broached? Who should be the most naturally tenacious of their own liberties and pri vileges, but the members of that house themselves? Yet great as the paradox is, we find numbers of those very members, both in the house and out of it, use every effort to devest themselves of this privilege. How, then, are we to explain such unaccountable conduct-but that the spirit of party has gone abroad, and has been successful in its wiles of seduction? If any encroachment, indeed, had been made on the other branches of legislation, either on this house, or the royal prerogative, then it would indispensably behove us to interfere for the benefit of the whole; but as neither of these have happened, as the affair is only a point that respects the honour of their own house, let us leave it to themselves to determine it as they like.

But it is urged by the noble marquis who opened the debate, that an alarm is gone forth among the people; that their minds are disquieted; that the laws of the land have been trampled on; that the grievances they have petitioned for are left unredressed; and to close this dreadful catalogue of evils, the number which they have repeatedly returned, has been as repeatedly rejected, and finally incapacitated. Though I have the highest opinion of the noble marquis's veracity in other respects, I must beg leave to think he is very much mistaken in the former part of his assertions. I have been at some

pains (from the bustle this alarm first created) to examine with as much accuracy and impartiality as I was capable, into its real situation; and I have found it, on the strictest search, to be nothing more than a faction, first set on foot by the daring and ambitious, and occasionally supported by the desperate, necessitous, and ignorant. But let us take the fact as represented.-We are told that the majority of the people of England have petitioned for a redress of grievances. Now the whole of the people of England are contained within forty counties; thirteen only of which have petitioned. This, my lords, on the first view, requires no deep calculation, no abstract knowledge of numbers, to tell that thirteen is not quite one third of forty, though it is roundly asserted, that the whole of the people of England have petitioned. If we will further suppose (which we may impartially do) that a number of those who have signed the petitions possess no manner of freehold, but are led thither either by the general pressure of poverty, the want of an immediate meal, or the future hopes of some better establishment. If we will, likewise, consider what a number have been intimidated into it (I say intimidated, my lords; for if we look into the Gazette, we shall there find menacing letters, frequently directed to those who had firmness of mind, and good sense sufficient to be guided by their own opinions in these matters,) we shall, even in these thirteen counties, find the number so lessened, as not to make up really a twentieth part of his majesty's subjects.

And shall the supplications, then, of so small a number be considered as the general voice of the people? Are privileges to be broken in upon, and arbitrary dictums to be complied with, because a few factious, discontented people would have it so ?

I remember, my lords, some years ago, when I was a member of the other house, there was a remonstrance from the aldermen of the town I represented, complaining (in the name of the whole) of some corporation.