sentiments of a very different nature. What does the clause say ? After empowering the apprehension, on the mere grounds of suspicion, and directing the commitment to any common gaol within his majesty's dominions, are not we told-" or to any other place of confinement, especially appointed for that purpose, by warrant under his Majesty's sign manual, by any magistrate, having competent authority in that behalf" (who is hereby authorised to commit such persons to the place so to be appointed ?) Is not this evidently a power, not only to punish the innocent, but to inflict such pains upon them as an honest mind must revolt at, and con template with horror? The magistrate may take up and commit, on suspicion, to the common gaol, and by the sign manual, to any other place especially appointed, and is further authorised to commit according to such special appointment. What is this but to authorise the mode, measure, and place of confinement, at the pleasure of the minister, which, besides, manifestly, includes in it the power of temporary banishment, as well as confinement, to any part, or to the most remote, unhealthy, and pestiferous climate within the wide cir cuit of his Majesty's dominions, in the four quarters of the globe? If this be the intention of my honourable and learned friend over the way, and his no less honourable employers, in God's name, let him speak out; let us know, let the public know, what they are to expect. Let him and his friends no longer amuse us with a formal circumstantial story of America and the high seas, or the crime of piracy. Such tales may be amusing to some people, and they may answer certain purposes out of doors, and in some particular places; but to talk of them seriously within these walls, will not, I believe, be attempted. The power endeavoured to be vested in the crown by this bill, is most evidently a dictatorial power, or similar to that exercised by the Roman dictators. We all know the motives for granting such a power. It will hardly be contended, that any such mo

tives exist at present. We all know the frequent abuse of it, and the horrid purposes, towards the latter period of the commonwealth, to which it was employed; and I presume there is not a school-boy of three years standing, who is ignorant that that mighty republic was over thrown by a dictator.

Such will always be the case, when powers are granted through ignorance, wantonness, or design. If the present bill was to have no other evil effect than, establishing a precedent for future ministers to come to parliament on the same errand, I should be against it: but when I behold it in the light I do, I must deem it a most formidable, dangerous, and, I fear, fatal attack upon the liberty of this country. It seems directed at its vitals, and in my opinion, threatens its total destruction, if not a dissolution of the constitution. Before I conclude, I must observe, if any thing were wanting to shew the true complexion of this bill, the words High Seas and Piracy will fully explain it ; these words apply to the seas contiguous to Great Britain and Ireland. is, indeed, plainly perceivable, whetever the title of the bill may be, it is not an American, so much as it is a British suspension of the habeas corpus act. It may overtake any man, any where. It authorises a discretionary punishment, without a colour of legal proof, or even a probable ground of suspicion. It makes no distinction between the dreams of a sick man, and the rav ings of a demoniac, and the malice of a secret or declared enemy.

It

No man is exempt from punishment, because innocence is no longer a protection. It will generate spies, informers, and false accusers, beyond number; and furnish the means of gratification, emolument, and satiety, to the most profligate of the species; while it will let loose with impunity, the blackest and most horrid vices which disgrace the human mind. In fine, it will realize what has hitherto been looked upon to be the creature of poetic fiction; it will scatter over the land more

ills and curses than were ever supposed to flow from Pandora's box. Justice will be bound, as well as blind; and it will be in the power of every revengeful minister, or mercenary villain, to satiate his revenge, or fill his pockets, at the expence of the best and most virtuous men in the commonwealth.

MR. WILKES.

On the Petition of the Trustees of the British Museum.

BEFORE the petition of the trustees of the British Museum is referred to the committee of supply, I beg the indulgence of the house, to submit a few general ideas on that subject, entirely independent of party or politics. The encouragement of all useful knowledge, and the protection of the arts and sciences, appear to me, sir, just objects of public regard, and highly deserving parliamentary attention, especially in this great commercial country. Among the many proofs of the improvement of our national taste and love of polite literature, the establishment of the British Museum claims the pre-eminence. It rose under the favourable auspices of this house; has been carefully watched over by us; and I hope, will still continue to receive our friendly protection and support. Various branches of learning have already derived singular advantages from that rich repository, and I think it may be made yet more extensively useful to this kingdom. This, sir, can only be done by this house, by parliamentary assistance. I shall at present confine myself to ge neral ideas, and only throw out some hints for a future day's consideration.

It seems to me, sir, highly expedient, that the trustees of the British Museum should not only be enabled

adequately to fulfil the objects of their public trust, by making what is already collected as useful as possible to the nation, but still farther to extend the laudable purposes of this institution. Their present funds, we find by their petition, are incompetent even to the contracted plan now pursued. It is a general complaint, that the Museum is not sufficiently accessible to the public. This must necessarily happen from the deficiency of their revenues: the trustees cannot pay a proper number of officers and attendants. This will, to day, be in part the consideration of the committee into which the house will soon resolve itself. But, sir, I wish their plan much enlarged, especially on two important objects-books and paintings. This capital, after so many ages, remains without any considerable public library. Rome has the immense collection of the Vatican; and Paris scarce yields to the mistress of the world, by the greatness of the king's library. They are both open at stated times, with every proper accommodation to all strangers. London has no large public library; the best here, I believe, is the Royal Society's: but even that is inconsiderable; neither is it open to the public; nor are the necessary conveniences afforded strangers for reading or transcribing. The British Museum, sir, is rich in manuscripts; the Harleian collection, the Cottonian library, the collection of Charles the First, and many others, especially in our own history; but it is wretchedly poor in printed books. I wish, sir, a sum was allowed by parliament, for the purchase of the most valuable editions of the best authors, and an act passed, to oblige, under a certain penalty, every printer to send a copy bound of every publication he made, to the British Museum. Our posterity, by this, and other acquisitions, might perhaps possess a more valuable treasure than even the celebrated Alexandrian collection for notwithstanding that selfishness which marks the present age, we have not quite lost sight of every beneficial prospect for futurity. Considerable donations might like

wise, after such a sanction of parliamentary approbation, be expected from private persons, who in England, more than in any country of the world, have enlarged views for the general good and glory of the state.

The British Museum, sir, possesses few valuable paintings; yet we are anxious to have an English school of painters. If we expect to rival the Italian, the Flemish, or even the French school, our artists must have before their eyes the finished works of the greatest masters. Such an opportunity, if I am rightly informed, will soon present itself. I understand that an application is intended to be made to parliament, that one of the first collections in Europe, that at Houghton, made by sir Robert Walpole, of acknowledged superiority to most collections in Italy, and scarcely inferior to the duke of Orleans's, in the Palais Royal at Paris, may be sold: I hope it will not be dispersed, but purchased by parliament, and added to the British Museum. I wish, sir, the eye of painting as fully gratified as the ear of music is in this island; which at last bids fair to become a favourite abode of the polite arts. A noble gallery ought to be built in the garden of the British Mu.. seum, for the reception of that invaluable treasure. Such an important acquisition as the Houghton collec tion would, in some degree, alleviate the concern which every man of taste now feels, at being deprived of viewing those prodigies of art, the cartons of the divine Ra phael. King William, although a Dutchman, really loved and understood the polite arts: he had the fine feelings of a man of taste, as well as the sentiments of a hero. He built the princely suite of apartments at Hampton Court, on purpose for the reception of those heavenly guests: the nation at large were then admitted to the rapturous enjoyment of their beauties. They have remained there till this reign: at present, they are perishing in a late baronet's smoky house, (sir Charles Sheffield's,) at the end of a great smoky town. They are entirely secreted from the public eye; yet, sir, they were