power and finance, and wisdom of application to her resources; deducing from his arguments on this point an inference, that by going on with the American war, we were actually endeavouring to invert the order of nature, to change France into an island, and to render Great Britain continental, by suffering the former to acquire a great naval strength, while we were establishing a large military force. In the course of his speech, Mr. Burke entered into an ample investigation of the propriety of America joining with France, and contended, that in all ages and in all countries, it was perfectly natural for revolted subjects to form an alliance with that power known to be most inimical to the state, from whose supremacy they had withdrawn. and to whom the destruction of the interest of the for parent state was obviously a matter of desirable adv proving his arguments on this head, by enum history a variety of instances in its supp larly mentioned the interference of G serve the Low Countries from France, and to secure them justified both France a this respect, on the his astonishmen as to talk eit' titude of Al took this step a and that France Britain had failed States, and when sh offers made her by th assist them in their endea The resolution was agreed to. The W mgative, LIMITED SERVICE IN THE ARMY. February 22. 1779. ON the order of the day for going into a commit ول the ity of tant a ave and mutiny bill, Colonel Barré moved, "Thatippel, Sir struction to the said committee, that they have po Mr. BURK his life Mr. Byng, e of the noble lective responsiponsibility of each, department; a lannat House and out of avowed irresponsibility, The chancellor, the of the treasury or admine, might do or suffer any e to parliament or the nation. binet, says the noble lord, they they are not over-ruled, neither so that whatever any minister had at do, he was by no means answerable or mischief transacted was transacted in rs. Who are those others? That no man ers of the crown are enjoined to secrecy. !first movers or abettors of the greatest of schief, or any member of a committee or consent to be the instrument of carrying it into but what of that? The instrument may pere mischief, though as one of the king's advisers he isapprove of it, with impunity;; if he is a mover in s equally beyond the reach of public justice or parentary censure; because it cannot be deemed his act, that of the majority of those to whom it is proposed, Sut who are the persons that compose this majority? That power and finance, and resources; deducing from inference, that by going were actually endeavour to change France int Britain continental, b great naval strength, military force. In the course of ample investigat with France, an countries, it wa form an allianc to the state, and to who parent stat proving history larly r serve Fra jus t] The rese r even to France alone? On the opening of the on, they again stated their apprehensions of the le naval armaments going on in the ports of Spain. the noble lord, or any one person in that House, aver, that our navy was at this instant in a situ> contend with the united feets of France and Spain? sure, confident as they were, they neither would, red. Here, then, was the clearest evidence arising parliamentary documents, and those of the highest e, proceeding from the mouths of ministers them that the state of the navy, in the terms of the motion, unequal to what "the nation and that House were led pect from the declarations of ministers." He would go back either to the close of the year 1777, or to July 8; but he would put the question fairly and roundly to isters up to the present moment. Was the state of the y, at this instant, supposing Spain should think proper take a part in the quarrel, equal to those declarations ich ministers had put into the mouth of their sovereign? Vere we either superior to, or able to cope with, the united orce of the whole house of Bourbon? Mr. Burke conluded with giving his cordial assent to the motion of his honourable friend. At one o'clock the House divided on Mr. Fox's motion: Yeas 174: Noes 246. MR. STATE OF IRELAND. March 12. R. POWNALL having this day moved for an account of the British imports from the West India islands for three years last past, Mr. T. Townshend begged the honourable member would withdraw his motion, as it would, if acceded to, only be amusing the public with the expectation of something, when nothing in reality was to be expected, Every thing, he said, was now lost in the influence of the minister. When a motion was agitated the other day for the relief of Ireland, the noble lord (North) thought fit to withdraw, but on another occasion-Mr. Fox's motion the noble lord had sent his messengers into every part of the country for members to hasten to town, and attend their duty in parliament. He therefore hoped, that nothing farther would be attempted. It was only adding insult to the injuries of the people to pretend to do them any service, circumstanced as things were at present. Ireland had been too long amused, and it was cruel to buoy her up any longer with hopes of relief, when the most reasonable proposition that could be made for that purpose had been slighted. Upon the whole, he thought it his duty to bid administration be aware of Ireland, seeing that there wanted but little more to drive her to desperation, and to those fatal expedients for selfpreservation that America had been compelled to resort to.— Lord North expressed his surprise, that the honourable member on every occasion made it a point to honour him with personal attacks. When he had through accident absented himself from the House when the Irish business was under consideration, he was accused of neglecting his duty, and of having sneaked away from the question, though his sentiments thereon were extremely well known. On the other hand, because he had been present at a popular motion, he was made the subject of blame and reproach for having influenced the House. With respect to Ireland, it was well known that he had been against relieving her distresses in the manner lately proposed. But was he an enemy to that country? Very far from it. He had frequently evinced his affection for her. Places in that kingdom, usually held by Englishmen, he had given to natives. The pension-list he had never thought of increasing, however strong the inducement; nor had he been inattentive the last session to her commercial interest. But as to serving her in the way that was suggested the other day, he always had and always should be strongly against it. Yet no one was more desirous than he was of doing something for her, and indeed it was his intention to put his design into execution by offering a plan infinitely more to her advantage, than allowing her to import her sugars immediately from the West India islands, which |