overbalanced by the other advantages enjoyed by this country, that without it, there could not be the smallest degree of competition in manufacture on the side of Ireland; nor could that in any degree hurt England. They had, he said, a strange opinion of the extent of the world, who believed that there was not room enough in it for the trade of two such islands as these.

He observed, that most, if not all of the petitions on the table, tended to express the utmost fears of the consequences that would arise from granting a free exportation of sail-cloth and iron to the Irish. At the same time the real matter of fact is, that the Irish have long possessed, without being able to turn it to any advantage worth mention, the free exportation of manufactured iron and steel, as well as of sail-cloth. From hence it is evident, that the petitioners have not felt from the reality what they dreaded in the idea; and it is fairly to be inferred, that the other matters of apprehension contained in the petitions are as groundless as these; and are only founded, like them, upon mere conjecture. It also appears evident, that the advantages possessed by the English are so far superior in these respects, that the Irish were not able to prosecute these manufactures to any purpose, nor consequently to turn their liberty of exportation to account. And this, he said, was so truly the fact, that every species of iron manufacture, in particular, was actually exported in incredible quantities to Ireland.

He shewed from other instances, as well as the present, how hastily and erroneously manufacturers are liable to form their opinions upon subjects of this nature; and upon what slight grounds alarms are raised, and apprehensions propagated amongst them. Particularly, when, some years ago, a bill was brought in for the free importation of woollen yarn from Ireland, a universal alarm was excited, and petitions were sent in from every quarter, stating and complaining of the ruinous consequences which it would produce; the bill, however, passed into a law, and now, upon a full experience of its effects, they both feel and

acknowledge its beneficial tendency. But it was absurd, he said, to think that a participation of manufacture would be detrimental to this country. Had we not seen the woollen manufactory planted in different parts of this country; and had we not also seen that it throve by the competition?

He concluded with lamenting that it could happen in any one instance, that his conscience should direct him to take a part contrary to the opinion of his constituents. It had been his invariable aim to protect their rights and interests, and to act at all times as became the senator and representative of the people. In this instance he had dared to act contrary to the wishes, though, he was sensible, not to the interests, of his constituents. And if, from his conduct in this business, he should be deprived of his seat in that House, as he apprehended he might, his conduct being disapproved by many of his chief friends and supporters, as well as by all who had opposed him at his election, he had the satisfaction of being perfectly assured, that he should suffer in the very cause of those who had inflicted the punishment. He should not blame them if they did reject him; the event would afford a very useful example; on the one hand, of a senator inflexibly adhering to his opinion against interest, and against popularity; and, on the other, of constituents exercising their undoubted right of rejection; not on corrupt motives, but from their persuasion, that he whom they had chosen had acted against the judgment and interest of those he represented.

The question being put, That the bill be now read a second time, the House divided: Yeas 127: Noes 77% Sir Cecil Wray's amendment was consequently lost; and the Bill was read a second time.*

"In consequence of some compromise between the supporters and opposers of the Irish bills, although the former shewed a great supe riority of strength, it was notwithstanding thought necessary to give up,

DEATH OF THE EARL OF CHATHAM.

May 21.

THE following Petition was this day presented to the House by one of the sheriffs of London:

"To the Honourable the House of Commons, in Parliament assembled: The humble Petition of the City of London, in Common-council assembled.

"Sheweth, That your petitioners humbly beg leave to return their grateful thanks to this honourable House for the noble and generous testimony which it has borne to the services and merits of the late W. Pitt, Earl of Chatham.

"And your petitioners, with all humility, desire that their zeal may not seem unpleasing to this honourable House, or be interpreted as a wish in your petitioners to vary from the general sense of their country, as expressed in the late votes of this honourable House, by their requesting that the remains of the Earl of Chatham be deposited in the cathedral church of St. Paul, in the city of London.

"Your petitioners farther represent to this honourable House, that they entirely feel the delicacy of their situation, in consequence of the several measures taken by this honourable House, but hope that a favourable interpretation will be put upon any particular marks of gratitude and veneration which the first commercial city in the empire is earnest to express

for the present, most of the advantages that were originally intended for that country. Some enlargement, however, was given to the linen trade, particularly in the article of checks; and some openings given in the African and West India trades which did not before exist. Thus the measure, at its final transit through parliament, might be rather considered as an opening to future service, and an carnest of good ption, than as affording any immediate benefit, or even as holding ntage, of any great importance to Ireland." Annual

towards the statesman, whose vigour and counsels had so much contributed to the protection and extension of its commerce. By order of the Court, Rix."

Mr. Dunning expressed his approbation of the stile and purport of the petition. Mr. Rigby said, he was not in a humour to pay such a compliment to the corporation of London, as to separate the body from the monument, which, according to the vote of the House, was to be erected in Westminster-abbey. The government of the corporation was now, he said, in the hands of improper persons; the aldermen were now not traders but politicians. Mr. Thomas Townshend said, that the petition was the most polite, the most respectful, and perhaps the best written that had ever been laid before the House.

Mr. BURKE joined with those who wished that Lord Chatham's remains might be buried in St. Paul's: that spacious cathedral was particularly calculated, he said, for monuments; it was now a mere desart, while Westminsterabbey was over crowded. He dwelt much He dwelt much upon the virtues of the deceased lord; and though he knew that there had been some shades in his character-for it was in some degree impossible to be in nature a great character without faults-yet they were so brightened by the resplendent glory of his virtues, that they were to him now, since his death, perfectly invisible. He did not agree with a right honourable gentleman, that politicians were unfit for the government of the city: the city politicians had before now saved the city; and it was to the firmness of their politics that the House owed their existence; that a sheriff, a privilege singular in its kind, could appear at their bar; or indeed that there had been any parliamentary bar for them to appear at. The petition, he declared, was worded in a manner which did the composers of it no less honour for the patriotic and respectful sentiments it breathed, than for the elegance and beauty of the stile in which it was written. As to the place of the noble earl's interment, he hoped the House would not interfere, and rob his family of a right of which it were a species of sacrilege to deprive them

CH