bring on the people, but a conviction of their being necessary for the welfare and essential interests of these kingdoms. The speech concluded with a resolution of steadily pursuing the measures in which they were engaged, for the re-establishment of that constitutional subordination which his majesty was determined to maintain through the several parts of his dominions; accompanied with a profession of being watchful for an opportunity of putting a stop to the effusion of the blood of his subjects; a renewal or continuance of the former hope, that the deluded and unhappy multitude would return to their allegiance, upon a recollection of the blessings of their former government, and a comparison with the miseries of their present situation; and a declaration, that the restoration of peace, order, and confidence to his American colonies, would be considered by his majesty as the greatest happiness of his life, and the greatest glory of his reign. An address in perfect unison with the speech having been moved by Lord Hyde, and seconded by Sir Gilbert Elliot, the Marquis of Granby moved the following amendment: "To assure his majesty, that this House does most humbly advise and supplicate his majesty to be pleased to cause the most speedy and effectual measures to be taken for restoring peace in America; and that no time may be lost in proposing an immediate cessation of hostilities there, in order to the opening of a treaty for the final settlement of the tranquillity of those invaluable provinces, by a removal of the unhappy causes of this ruinous civil war, and by a just and adequate security against the return of the like calamities in times to come and this House desires to offer the most dutiful assurances to his majesty, that they will, in due time, cheerfully cooperate with the magnanimity and tender goodness of his majesty, for the preservation of his people, by such explicit and most solemn declarations and provisions of fundamental and irrevocable laws, as may be judged necessary for ascertaining and fixing for ever, the respective rights of Great Britain and her colonies." The amendment was seconded by Lord John Cavendish, and was warmly supported in general by the opposition.

Mr. BURKE expressed great concern, that the matters urged by so many respectable members as had spoken before him should be treated so lightly, and took an opportunity of complimenting the several honourable persons

already mentioned, and of ridiculing the haughtiness of the minister. If it were possible, we would give a detail of a speech, which, for the space of nearly two hours, commanded the attention, excited the laughter, and sometimes drew tears from the sympathizing few; but we must omit all those changes of ridicule which were rung by Mr. Burke's ingenuity upon the defence which Lord North made in answer to the charge against General Burgoyne's proclamation; we must also pass over his proofs of the futility of our conquests in the colonies, and touch only on that pathetic supplication which he made to the House, to seize the present happy moment to attempt an accommodation, when, neither elated with insolent victory, nor debased with abject defeat, we could with honour to ourselves make such proposals to our colonists, as they could, without dishonour, accept. He apostrophised with a degree of enthusiasm upon the noble spirit of men, who, if they had not been rebels, he could have been lavish in praising; of women who, reduced by the ruin of civil discord, to the most horrible situation of distress and poverty, had constancy, generosity, and public spirit enough, to strip the blankets, in a freezing season, from themselves and their infants, to send them to the camp, and preserve that army which they had sent out to fight for their liberty. And shall Britons, said Mr. Burke, overlook such virtue? and will they persist in oppressing it? Shall we give them no alternative but unconditional submission? A three year's war has not terrified them, distressed as they are, from their great purpose. Let us try the power of lenity over those generous bosoms.

The amendment was negatived by 243 to 86.

sail of the line in commission at home, exclusive of the vast armament under Lord Howe. He asked, what alliances we had formed to support us in case of a rupture with the Bourbons? He reprobated the contract with the princelings of Germany, as mean and humiliating, and expressed his astonishment that the ministers had condescended to the indignity of courting the alliance of a few traders in human flesh. There is, said Mr. Burke, an alliance which they ought to make, let the price of it be what it will; and that is, an alliance with America: the first fruit of this alliance will be a saving of 100 sail of men of war, and 55,000 soldiers, which you may immediately call home to your assistance, if you have a war to sustain against any European power. He expressed his dread, that Portugal was lost to us as an ally; that we had little to expect from Holland ; and that there was not now a port from Dunkirk to Gibraltar, which would admit a British ship, if pursued by an enemy. He mentioned the affront put upon Sir Guy Carleton, and the illiberal abuse thrown out against the Howes by the runners of administration. If ministers did not speak out directly in terms of abuse of those able and injured officers, it was well known they heartily approved of it. It furnished during the whole summer the standing topic of conversation at their tables. Those who had the honour to be admitted there repeated the language they heard as a part of their duty; and it was evident, by the general tenor of the newspapers for some time past, which teemed with the most scandalous abuse of those brave men, who were now exerting every nerve in the faithful performance of their duty, that persons were hired and encouraged to propagate the most scandalous falsehoods, in writings and discourse, of both Lord Howe and his brother, in order to shift the blame off the shoulders of their patrons and employers.

The resolution was agreed to.

SUSPENSION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT.

November 26.

THIS HIS day Mr. Attorney-General Thurlow observed, that an act passed in the last session, intituled "An act to impower his majesty to secure and detain persons charged with, or suspected of, the crime of high treason, committed in any of his majesty's colonies or plantations in America, or on the high seas, or the crime of piracy," would expire on the 1st of January, 1778: that the same cause which made the law at first necessary still continued; namely, the rebellion in America; and that he therefore meant now to move for leave to bring in a bill for the further continuance of the said act for a limited time. Mr. Baker said, that the law now proposed to be further continued must have had some object in view when it was passed. It was with great reluctance he would at any time consent to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, that great security of public freedom and personal liberty; there were circumstances, however, in seasons of great national danger, which had called for the particular interference of the legislature, and might again justify such suspension. He never thought the proposed bill intitled to any such public or parliamentary sanction; yet, if it were, experience must be the best proof whether those appearances were well founded. On this ground, therefore, he should be glad to know from the honourable and learned mover, in what instances the powers, which had now for full nine months been delegated, were exercised, and what were the evils they prevented or remedied? If none could be stated, in his opinion, it would be equally wanton and unnecessary to continue them, and be a dangerous precedent in time to come.

Mr. BURKE coincided with his honourable friend in his general reasoning, and further observed, that the bill was of the most extraordinary texture; nor were its operations, if they could be called by that appellation, less so. Here is a bill, which is to operate in every part of the British