صور الصفحة
PDF
النشر الإلكتروني

William had but 700,000l. a-year, yet that all his expences were great and royal; and if it should be objected that all means of living in splendour were cheaper in that age, he answered, first, by doubting the fact, and saying, that though some of the same articles might be cheaper, others were much dearer: next, he said, that this argument of the price of things could serve no purpose in the present question, because King William not only did more, but paid more; that his charges in all articles, in which royal dignity properly consisted, were higher than the correspondent articles of the king's expences; larger not only in effect but in account: that King William was censured for being expensive. It was true he was so; but he was magnificent. He attained his object, which appeared in the number and stateliness of his buildings, his furniture, pictures, &c. King George II. was accused of parsimony, not wholly without reason; but he attained his object; he was rich. His present majesty, to whom no one imputed either extravagance or penury, was, by the mismanagement of his ministers, neither magnificent nor wealthy. King William's magnificence was useful to the public; it added to the splendour of the crown and the dignity of the nation, and we had the monuments of it still. King George II.'s economy added 170,000l. to his majesty's civil list at his accession. He did more and better. King George II. maintained a year's war in Germany against the whole power of France, in a quarrel wholly British, at his own expence. He spent about a million sterling for this nation, and, after all, he died not poor, but left a large sum, besides a surplus of civil list cash to his present majesty. From all these circumstances Mr. Burke concluded, that the debt incurred could not be for the royal dignity, but for purposes not fit to be avowed by ministry, and therefore very fit to be inquired into by that House.

Mr. Alderman Sawbridge contended, that the deficiency now desired to be provided for, might easily be accounted for, without having recourse to the increased price of the necessa

ries of life; it had been employed in corrupting both houses; it had been spent in private as well as public pensions; in single bribes, in temporary gratuities. The civil list revenue had been drained, he said, by as many different means as want suggested, or as corruption was capable of devising. Pensions during pleasure had been granted, the most sure and certain means of keeping members to their duty, by having the terrors of its being withdrawn continually suspended over their heads, as soon as ever they dared to think for themselves. Here a great confusion arose, some calling to order; some to take down the alderman's words; others, hear him! hear him! As soon as this had subsided a little, Mr. Marsham desired that the honourable alderman might name the members of that House who enjoyed pensions during pleasure, as there was a statute in being, which created a disability from any person sitting there who enjoyed a pension during pleasure. Several members on the Treasury-bench, and in that part of the House, desired that the words might be taken down by the clerk. Others insisted, that such a mode of proceeding was not parliamentary, for the honourable alderman was at liberty to retract his words, if any passionste expression had fallen from him in the warmth of debate; or explain them, agreeably to the sense he meant they should convey. This argument was replied to by a general cry, loudly vociferated from the same quarter whence the noise and confusion from the beginning originated, "repeat them, repeat them he will surely not refuse to repeat his words."

Mr. BURKE endeavoured to still the uproar, by jocularly observing, that the words "influence the members" and "increase the influence of the crown," were the current and fashionable expressions used in a former debate, as well as the present, which substantially imported the same with the words which had now given such high offence. For his part, he could see little difference, if any, between influence and corrupt influence; and corrupt influence and downright plain corruption. He confessed, however, that the sound of the latter was coarse and unpolite, when compared with the former. On this ground, therefore, the whole matter might be explained, to the entire satisfaction of all parties; those who liked, and those who disliked the

word corruption: for though it should be given up by one side, the sense would be still retained, and it would completely satisfy such as disapproved of it, that it was to be be discarded for ever out of the parlimentary vocabulary. The honourable alderman was a citizen, and had not attained to that height of polite phraseology, for which such as happily resided at the other end of the town were so justly distinguished; for which reason, what a courtier or an inhabitant of the west end of the town called influence, the worthy alderman, according to his gross mode of expression, very improperly called corruption.

The House divided on Lord John Cavendish's motion: Yeas 114: Noes 281. So it passed in the negative. The House then resolved itself into a committee of supply, and came to the following resolutions: 1. "That the sum of 618,340l. 9s. 6'd. be granted to his majesty, to discharge the arrears and debts due and owing upon the civil list, on the 5th of January. 2. "That for the better support of his majesty's household, and of the honour and dignity of the crown, there be granted to his majesty, during his life, out of the aggregate fund, the clear yearly sum of 100,000l. to commence from the 5th day of January 1777, over and above the yearly sum of 800,000l. granted by an act made in the first year of his majesty's reign."

BIRMINGHAM PLAY HOUSE BILL.

April 29.

IN consequence of a petition presented to the House by Mr. Yates, leave was given to bring in a bill for enabling his majesty to license a play house in the town of Birmingham. The motion for the second reading of the bill was supported by Mr. Fox, Mr. Dempster, Mr. Wilkes, and Mr. Harris; and opposed by Sir William Bagot, Mr. James Luttrell, Sir Henry Gough, Mr. T. Townshend, and Mr. Rous.

Mr. BURKE, after exculpating Mr. Yates from the charge of impudence in his application to the House, declared it to be the right of every subject to petition parliament in any case, where the legislature could be of use to him. It rested with parliament to receive or reject his petition; but certainly he ought not to be treated with severity, so that he should go from that House in a worse situation than he came to it. As to the opprobrious epithets used in old acts of parliament against unlicensed players, he was sorry to say they pertook of the savage temper of the times in which they were made. The profession was a liberal one, and, under proper limitations, highly useful; and, therefore, he wished to see those whose abilities gave rational entertainment to the public treated with decent respect. If unlicensed players were deemed vagabonds, surely Mr. Yates was justifiable in attempting to obtain the sanction of the law for his person and for his entertainments; which the people of Birmingham seemed to have been fond of for so many years. He thought the personal character of Mr. Yates had nothing to do with the question. He then corrected Sir William Bagot in point of chronology, remarking, that theatres were instituted at the time when the Roman republic was in the most flourishing state; that civil liberty encouraged this rational entertainment; and it was only on the principle, that no man should be compelled even to pleasure, that he should oppose the bill; because it was evident to him that a very great majority of the inhabitants were against it. He mentioned Sir William's wish, that Birmingham might remain in its village state; and took notice of the politics of the times, which he feared would gratify the honourable gentleman's wishes; for instead of improving villages, and converting them into large towns, the wretched measures we had been pursuing for some time past, it was to be feared, would soon reduce our great trading towns to obscure villages. Birmingham might very soon have no theatre, no manufacturers, no magistrates.

The bill was read a second time. On the motion, that it be committed, the House divided: Yeas 18: Noes 69. So it passed in the negative.

ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.

November 18.

THE session opened on the 18th of November. The speech from the throne expressed great satisfaction, in having recourse to the wisdom and support of parliament in this conjuncture, when the continuance of the rebellion in America demanded their most serious attention. The powers with which parliament had entrusted the crown for the suppression of the revolt, were declared to have been faithfully exerted; and a just confidence was expressed, that the courage and conduct of the officers, with the spirit and intrepidity of the forces, would be attended with important success: but under a persuasion that both Houses would see the necessity of preparing for such further operations, as the contingencies of the war, and the obstinacy of the rebels might render expedient, his majesty was for that purpose pursuing the proper measures for keeping the land forces complete to their present establishment; and if he should have occasion to increase them, by contracting any new engagements, a reliance was placed on their zeal and public spirit to enable him to make them good. Although repeated assurances were received of the pacific disposition of foreign powers, yet as the armaments in the ports of France and Spain were continued, it was thought advisable to make a considerable augmentation to our naval force; it being equally determined not to disturb the peace of Europe on the one hand, and to be a faithful guardian of the honour of the crown on the other. The Commons were informed, that the various services which had been mentioned, would unavoidably require large supplies; and a profession was made, that nothing could relieve the royal mind from the concern which it felt for the heavy charge they must

« السابقةمتابعة »