ADDRESS ON THE DISTURBANCES IN NORTH AMERICA.

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February 2.

N the 2d of February, in a committee of the whole House on the papers relating to the disturbances in North America, Lorth North moved, "That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to return his majesty our most humble thanks, for having been graciously pleased to communicate to this House, the several papers relating to the present state of the British colonies in America, which, by his majesty's commands, have been laid before this House, and from which, after taking them into our most serious consideration, we find, that a part of his majesty's subjects in the province of Massachuset's Bay have proceeded so far to resist the authority of the supreme legislature, that a rebellion at this time actually exists within the said province; and we see with the utmost concern,

your liberal support of our petition to the honourable House of Commons, wherein are stated the evils we already feel, and the greater we have yet to apprehend from a continued stagnation of so important a branch of our commerce as that with North America.

"At the same time we also unite in expressing our particular thanks for the motion you was pleased to make for an enquiry into the manner of both the late petitions from the town of Birmingham having been obtained, an enquiry which could scarcely have failed to give some useful intelligence, and to have fully justified our application to parliament at so critical a juncture.

"We cannot wonder, Sir, that defamation should have made its appearance on such an occasion as this, which is the notorious evidence of a weak cause, and whose mischiefs we are persuaded will be as transient as its efforts have been intemperate.

"We only take the liberty, therefore, of adding our sincere wishes, that you may long fill your distinguished place in the British Senate, and that your persevering endeavours to preserve the rights of the subject, to maintain the prosperity of our commerce, and to secure the tranquillity of this extensive empire, may meet with a success adequate to the patriotic zeal with which they are animated. Being with the greatest regard, Sir, your's, &c."

that they have been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements, entered into by his majesty's subjects, in several of the other colonies, to the injury and oppression of many of their innocent fellow subjects resident within the kingdom of Great Britain and the rest of his majesty's dominions; this conduct on their part appears to us the more inexcusable, when we consider with how much temper his majesty and the two Houses of parliament have acted, in support of the laws and constitution of Great Britain; to declare that we can never so far desert the trust reposed in us, as to relinquish any part of the sovereign authority over all his majesty's dominions, which by law is vested in his majesty and the two Houses of parliament; and that the conduct of many persons, in several of the colonies, during the late disturbances, is alone sufficient to convince us how necessary this power is, for the protection of the lives and fortunes of all his majesty's subjects; that we ever have been, and always shall be, ready to pay attention and regard to any real grievances of any of his majesty's subjects, which shall in a dutiful and constitutional manner be laid before us; and whenever any of the colonies shall make a proper ap. plication to us, we shall be ready to afford them every just and reasonable indulgence; but that, at the same time, we consider it as our indispensable duty, humbly to beseech his majesty, that his majesty will take the most effectual measures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature; and that we beg leave, in the most solemn manner, to assure his majesty, that it is our fixed resolution, at the hazard of our lives and properties, to stand by his majesty, against all rebellious attempts, in the maintenance of the just rights of his majesty and the two Houses of parliament." This motion occasioned a spirited debate. It was supported by the Attorney and Solicitor General, and opposed by Mr. Dunning, Mr. Grenville, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Burke.

Mr. BURKE applied his argument to that prevalent idea, which alone, he said, could make one honest man the advocate for ministerial measures, namely, that the Americans attacked the sovereignty of this country. He said the Americans did not attack the sovereignty itself, but a certain exercise and use of that sovereignty; that no tyranny itself found a justification in the mere plea of un

limited authority. He stated seven acts of tyranny which justified resistance. He shewed, that the cause of the late rebellion at home, and these disturbances in America, differed widely; that the trade of the country was little affected by those rebellions; that our trade at present was the primary object; that the object of that rebellion was to set an unnatural tyrant on the throne; that he feared the Americans were now what we were then; and were struggling that an insufferable tyranny should not be established over them. He represented the delusion practised by ministry, who in all their speeches argued that Boston alone was in rebellion, and that it was an affair with Boston only; but he shewed, from clear and positive facts, that all America was concerned. He proved, that from one end of the continent to the other, the like resistance had been found; and he pressed the independent members to consider that; for he said, if people were once convinced that the mischief was so wide, they would think a little more seriously what might have been the cause of so general a discontent, and might wish to apply other remedies than fire or sword. He said, that their definition of rebellion was the oddest he had ever heard; it must be the destruction of tea; but burning tea was not in their definition rebellion, for such a place had burnt it; that spoiling it in damp vaults was not in their definition, for it had been so treated in such a place. Now, to answer their definition of rebellion, tea must be drowned like a puppy dog; and even that was not quite enough; it must be drowned, and drowned at Boston. This was their definition of rebellion. He exerted himself to deprecate the shameless tyranny we exercised. He said he abhorred political as much as he did religious persecution. His heart seemed engaged. He mentioned with horror the idea of tearing a man from his family and friends the other side of the Atlantic, and tearing his heart out in Smithfield, styling it the heart of a traitor, because he would not believe in virtual representation, and that America was part of the manor of Greenwich. He said, he had two years before called the attention of the House to Vir

ginia, the mother colony; and shewed that in all their proceedings Virginia had taken the lead; and that therefore it was plain it was not Boston, but America; and if we meant a war with the whole, we ought, with our eyes open, to prepare for that, and not for a scuffle with Boston. You have, said he, your option, America or this ministry; and he exposed with all his wit, the absurdity of balancing in such a choice..

The Address was agreed to by a majority of 288 against 105.

LORD NORTH'S PROPOSITION FOR CONCILIATION WITH

AMERICA.

February 20.

THIS day Lord North brought forward his proposition for conciliating the differences with America. Adverting to the terms of the recent address to the king upon the disturbances in North America, he observed, although parliament could never relinquish the right of taxation, yet if the Americans would propose means of contributing their share to the common defence, the exercise of the right might without hesitation be suspended, and the privilege of raising their own portion of contribution conceded to the colonists. This being the sense, and, he believed, the very words in which he moved the address, he proposed as a resolution, "That it is the opinion of this committee, that when the governor, council, and assembly, or general court, of any of his majesty's provinces or colonies in America, shall propose to make provision according to the condition, circumstances, and situation, of such province or colony, for contributing their proportion to the common defence (such proportion to be raised under the authority of the general court, or general assembly, of such province or colony, and disposable by parliament,) and shall engage to make provision also for the support of the civil government, and the administration of justice, in such province or colony, it will be

proper, if such proposal shall be approved by his majesty and the two Houses of parliament, and for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear, in respect of such province or colony, to levy any duty, tax, or assessment, or to impose any farther duty, tax, or assessment, except only such duties as it may be expedient to continue to levy or to impose for the regulation of commerce; the net produce of the duties last mentioned to be carried to the account of such province or colony respectively." In the course of the debate to which this proposition gave rise,

Mr. BURKE declared, that he came to the House this day, upon the report of a change of measures, with a full resolution of supporting any thing, which might lead in any way towards conciliation; but that he found the proposition altogether insidious in its nature, and therefore purposely rendered to the last degree obscure and perplexed in its language. Instead of being at all fitted to produce peace, it was calculated to increase the disorders and confusions in America; and therefore he never could consent to it. He readily admitted, that the proposition was a contradiction to every thing that parliament had declared; a shameful prevarication in ministers; and a mean departure from every declaration they had made. He was however willing to purchase peace by any humiliation of ministers, and, by what was of more moment, even by the humiliation of parliament. But the measure was mean indeed, yet not at all conciliatory. The mode of argument, on the side of administration, was, he said, the most ridiculous that ever had been known in parliament. They attempted to prove to one side of the House, that the measure was a concession; and to the other, that it was a strong assertion of authority-just on the silly principle of the tea act, which to Great Britain was to be a duty of supply, to the Americans, a tax of regulation. He was equally surprised, he said, by another extraordinary phænomenon. Up to this day, during the whole course of the American debates, the ministry had daily and hourly denied their having any sort of contest about an American revenue: