Ο e? why, the ministry of a mediator to accom our of Great der, that the is much intellile at home? This n government and render them despigrammatical English. we had not an enemy from the king's speech at that they apprehended a aragraph of that speech to accordingly, and is as follows: >, which my subjects have borne o bring the late war to a happy additional motive to make me vigisent disturbances in Europe from exwhere the security, honour, or interest ake it necessary for my crown to become rances which I receive from the other great reason to believe, that my endeavours will Iccessful." eport of Mr. Burke's speech appeared in the Iagazine for November 1770: the following is e London Museum for the year 1771. RKE rose and said: Sir; I cannot help thinking, House is greatly obliged to the noble lord who ast. Instead of trusting to the internal rectitude of onduct, and defending it upon that ground, he makes a party concerned, and gives broad hints, that if he tains any disgrace, you must have your share of it. Whatever his sins may have been, you have taken them upon your own heads; and he stands redeemed and justi f advantage has been gained over them. trade, their affection, and their all hazarded, but the quarrel is as far from as ever; before America, therefore, ca any measures which it may be necessary take, her grievances must be redressed; a vise hostilities against the Bourbon com shall take place between Great Britain a foe or a driveller. Nor is it less necessa tants of Great Britain should be compact which can never happen till the com dlesex election are removed. I do not a legal assembly; I do not countenanc the capital; but I know that many wise suspect us to be only a House of Com not de jure; and while such an opinion pretend that it is safe for us to impose ta dens, which we cannot but render necess policy and prudence of which are of t those of our ministers. 10 Sir, any other men would have forese is now bursting over our heads, or at lea the warning of those who had better eyes. ventured to foretell it from the appearanc sky; but I was called a child of faction, an said to be jaundiced with discontent. easily believing what they wished, and fores fall in a fresh war, would hear nothing al preached to them in vain by her declarations to them in vain by her conduct; and, ref them, they would not have believed, though from the dead. They have been held tor Circean enchantment, and when at last they from sleep, then it was some months before th cover their senses: reason they never could they never had reason to lose; they jumped a squirrel at the sight of a cat; they leaped and and whisked their tail about and ran into a hol ent session. By the assistance of ich have come into my hands, I h a fate very different from that ear. Much, indeed, is not to be plexion of this body. Yet I will ; it is your part to give the in himself greatly on having, in such written only two that are excepfollow that he has been entirely re have been actually impeached? aw a quite different conclusion, must have frequently blundered, apital errors in such momentous y day that the most ignorant and e a capital crime. Nor let him ny of the court-martial. Courtsof Commons, have erred. They popes and councils. A court, and condemned Matthews. fferent sentence, and posterity sh the noble lord may not find ler the same predicament. 1 seems to tread close in the rers in the ministerial vineth the same reason that they s. As the injured colonists conclude that their point is ry! But what ground have e colonists have all along original principle. As the h the declaratory act, but which should have been v imposed taxes upon cerolonists discontinued the the ministers, in their y new tax, but that 'on ace with them in their Lime at ad. Sir; I cannot be stiged to the serve ent trasting to the ra ve ustating it upon that go to a long emmed, and gives grace, you must have may have been scheme of reconciliation, and to recommence the importation of the articles which were again freed of taxes. But as the ministers thought proper, for the sake of preserving the right of taxation, to continue the duty on tea, the colonists, in order to deny this right, thought proper to continue their associations for the non-importation of tea. In short, they have invariably regulated their conduct by that of the ministry. As administration rose in its pretensions, America rose. As administration relaxed, Ame rica relaxed. Nor has any advantage been yet gained over them. Though the loss of their trade, the loss of their affections and allegiance, has been hazarded, the quarrel is as far as ever from a termination. They have in some measure copied the prudence of the king of Prussia, one of the most politic princes in Europe. When any foreign state lays a tax upon any goods exported out of his territories, what does he do? He immediately lays an equivalent tax upon some commodity exported out of their country. The Americans could not directly take this step, but they did what was tantamount; they entered into a solemn agreement to import none of the taxed goods. Thus it appears, Sir, from this deduction, that the ministers have no reason to plume themselves upon the termination of the quarrels which they have revived in America, or upon any assistance which they are likely to derive from that quarter. Before the Americans can heartily concur in any measure, which it may be necessary for Great Britain to embrace at this juncture, their grievances must be redressed. The same irrefragable arguments which were applied by my honourable friend to Great Britain, are equally applicable to them and the Irish. Their support must be purchased by the removal of every cause of discontent. This is the only magic, the only charm which can draw their affection, which can cement and unite the different members of the empire, and make it act, as if inspired by one soul. Instead, therefore, of charging the Americans with "very unwarrantable practices," and thus threatening them with coercive measures, the minister ought to have immediately proposed the repeal of the tea act, and to have adopted every other scheme of reconciliation. Thus formed by mutual confidence and attachment, into one firm and compact body, we may look our enemies in the face. He who gives any other advice, can hardly be an honest, much less a wise counsellor; and the minister who could not see and embrace this truth, is not, by his abilities, entitled to the station which he occupies. For if the Bourbon confederacy be not an object of terror, it is certainly no just object of contempt. He, therefore, who will not strive to exert against it the whole undivided strength of our empire, must either be a foe or a driveller. But, why should we be surprised at this treachery, when the complaints of the people about the Middlesex election remain unregarded? I do not say that we are not a legal House of Commons. I do not countenance the insolence of Westminster and the capital; but I must and will say, that many sober and good citizens, who are swayed by the authority of Locke, and other constitutional politicians, may have their doubts on this head. They may suspect us to be a House of Commons only de facto, and not de jure. When such an opinion prevails, is it safe for us, at such a critical period, to take upon ourselves the odium of imposing taxes, and all the other burdens and evils necessarily attending upon a war? None will say so but those who are on a par with our present ministers in policy and prudence. As they have, by their cowardice or ignorance, involved us in a war, they would, by the exercise of the same virtues, render us incapable of carrying it on with success. Sir, any other men would have foreseen the approach of this calamity; or, if blind themselves, would have profited by the sharp-sightedness of better eyes. They had sufficient warning of the storm which now threatens to burst over our heads. I, among others, ventured from the face of |