direction of public aff. hands than Mr. Pitt's, aunts, Sir, let us reject the present motion, Marquis of Rockings with evil than absurdity. Let us not conLord North's; soue in the citizens of London which should nine years equally year and a half for nature of things, not be productive minister, without head, or the pr plan of action: system; what w counteracted by lope, the whole employed to unray digious labour in The conseque medley of opini naturally expect department of jecture, and the glected, for situated, the public busin all? Men employment their judgment They could no ples to the ar therefore su drudgery; s shame, could of the state deemed fit take up p arrangemen mitted thro and the na . amiration; nor treat that candour in which is highly meritorious, as if it was yauty: it is the right of the British Let us not deprive him of that right; as been already violated, let us not do the constitution. If the minister, howare peace of the nation, let him at ard for himself. Monstrance before us, also brings the ssibly that anwer may undergo ersion as the spirited production to The motion he house divided on Sir Thomas ClaNoes, 108. REGULATING THE TRIALS OF STED ELECTIONS. 30. the third reading of Mr. Grenregulating the Trials of Contro Ellis spoke against the whole fects of the present mode of deterthat the consideration of it The motion was supported by North, and Mr. Attorney-General Dunning, Sir William Bagott, rur. Sir William Bagott, in the sion, by way of apology for his ry on this occasion, to state and ular description of country genSection as himself. In the doing of h, to distinguish his opposition in this case from that systical opposition of gentlemen of a quite contrary descriphe declared, that he and his friends kept their attention by to measures and not to men; that they desired to support i constitution only as settled at the Revolution in church and tate—while they saw others aiming to wound the constitution through the sides of ministry. Mr. BURKE, agreeing with the last speaker in his support of the bill, arose to vindicate his friends and what he saw were the friends of the constitution, though gentlemen of a very different description from that speaker and his friends-although by the late description given of them, a Tory was now the best species of Whig, and according to that gentleman's definition of a Tory, the friends of political liberty and religious toleration were Tories, &c. He then defended the Whigs of the opposition on the ground that the necessity of strong measures and of potent remedies, arose from the inveteracy and dangerous nature of the disease; and that if these gentlemen were real friends of the constitution, they would not abate, but would apply still more and more powerful caustics, until the disease was eradicated. He made an excellent distinction between faction and the opposition of party founded on principle. He then shewed, that parliament was not meant to be a representation of the landed property only, but of the commercial interest chiefly, as appeared from the establishment of the boroughs-essential parts of that representation, existing in times earlier than any annals or history can give testimony of: that there never was any parliament from which the learned gentlemen of the long robe were excluded, except that one, infamous to a proverb, in the appellation which it acquired of parliamentum indoctum : he therefore congratulated the gentleman on this happy and honourable precedent in favour of his argument. He then compared the benefit derived to society from the unactuated load of landed abilities, which descended from generation to generation, in the useless members of the community, and that which derived from the acquirements, activity of mental abilities, and shewed pernicious, and yet that both were of er and whenever they mixed, but alacting in mute aid of each other. ...the occasional remark of the gentleHe then went into a general of the several parts of ended with a support Es's motion: Yeas 123: mative, and the bill was read April, upon Mr. Grenville's Lord North said he did not to the bill, though he owned the House would not thank might appear to proceed from by so great a majority the day onceiving himself and the country iently traduced in Mr. Burke's a long and vehement invective Sack Jesuit, educated at St. Omer's, inquisition for burning heretics. ; and in his speech led on a sort professed himself to follow; and many other gentlemen delivered ܓܪ 184 ence was hinted at a good deal. le, &c. disclaimed being governed ned they had felt the effects of it. ld never yield to any such influence : others congratulated the House all was then passed. MR. BURKE'S RESOLUTIONS RELATING TO THE DISORDERS IN NORTH AMERICA. May 8. THIS day Mr. Burke moved, 1. "That so much of his majesty's most gracious speech to both Houses of parliament, upon the 10th of March 1768, as relates to his majesty's colonies in North America, might be read. 2. That the preamble of an act made in the 7th of his present majesty's reign, intituled, An act for granting certain duties in the British colonies and plantations in America; for allowing a drawback of the duties of customs, upon the exportation from this kingdom, of coffee and cocoa nuts, of the produce of the said colonies or plantations; for discontinuing the drawbacks payable on china earthen-ware exported to America; and for more effectually preventing the clandestine running of goods in the said colonies and plantations;' might be read. 3. That so much of his majesty's most gracious speech to both Houses of parliament, upon the 8th of November 1768, as relates to his majesty's colonies in America, might be read. 4. That the copy of a letter from the Earl of Hillsborough, to Governor Bernard, dated Whitehall, April 22. 1768: and also, copy of circular letter to all the governors on the continent of America, except Massachusets Bay, East Florida, and Quebec, Whitehall, April 21. 1768: and also, copy of Governor Bernard's message to the assembly: and also, copy of the assembly's answer thereto, and of his message to them, of the 24th of June 1768; which copies were presented to the House, upon the 28th of November 1768; might be read. 5. That the resolutions of both Houses of parliament of the 8th of February, in the last session of parliament, relating to the Massachusets Bay, in North America, together with the address of both Houses of parliament thereupon, might be read. 6. That the copy of a circular letter from the Earl of Hillsborough, to the governors in America, dated Whitehall, 13th May 1769, might be read. 7. That so much of his majesty's most gracious 1769, as relates to the disturbances in North America, might be read. 8. That the extract of Lord Botetourt's speech to the council and house of burgesses of Virginia, on the 7th November 1769, with their addresses in answer thereto, might be read. 9. That so much of his majesty's most gracious speech to both Houses of parliament, upon the 9th of January last, as relates to his majesty's colonies in America, might be read." And the same being read accordingly, Mr. BURKE rose and said, that he should, from the state of things which these papers opened to the House, lay before them the state of measures, and the plan, (if such it could be called) of administration, which his majesty's ministers had attempted to execute, from the fatal hour, since they left that ground of peace on which the affairs of the colonies were established after the repeal of the stamp act. He said, that the declaratory law sufficiently established the sovereignty of this country over its plantations and colonies; but that the wise ministers who succeeded, did not think this sufficient, without some exercise of the power of taxing, such as might secure the dignity, as well as sovereignty of government; by which, at the bottom, they meant the doing something to save the honour of particular persons. That it was very extraordinary, that the great person, who was one of the foremost for repealing the stamp act, and that, too, on the principles of the Americans. themselves, should, when he found himself at the head of the ministry, be the very person to adopt the measure of levying a new system of taxes upon the colonies. And it was also particularly unfortunate, that when a measure, so likely to meet with every obstruction and opposition in America, was adopted, no one precautionary step was taken to secure the execution of it, neither of policy, nor power. And, to add to the fatality, the execution was left to hands which, in the sequel of events, had proved the most unfit for it of any that could be employed. The honourable gentleman then prefaced what he had to say, with begging that he might not be understood to |