forth and avow the part I have taken in this transaction. I was at the meeting of the livery at Guildhall, assented to the Remonstrance, and afterwards attended the delivery of it at St. James's. This conduct was dictated to me, by reflecting on the very extraordinary state of the nation at this juncture, when the crown is advised to take no notice of the many petitions presented by numerous and respectable bodies of men from almost every quarter of the kingdom. I therefore was of opinion, that a measure, striking as this Remonstrance is, might awaken an attention to enquire into, and to remove, the causes of public discontent. And I stand here, Sir, ready to abide, in common with the gentlemen near me, the consequences of our conduct." Alderman Trecothick, together with the Sheriffs Townshend and Sawbridge, acknowledged and gloried in their share of the transaction: they professed themselves satisfied no less with regard to the justice than the expediency of the measure, and declared they were so far from wishing to conceal their part in the transaction, that they considered it the most fortunate trait in their characters. Mr. Townshend said, he should vote against the question, as he looked on the House as not competent in the present case; it being the party accused in the Remonstrance, it would have the resemblance of a culprit sitting in judgment on a judge, who would certainly send that judge to Tyburn. Lord North pressed for the question. He said, the House of Commons was not corrupted; and that it was now essentially necessary to vindicate the honour of the House. He was surprized to see those gentlemen who avowed any of them should have been so far misled, as to offer me an address and remonstrance, the contents of which I cannot but consider as disrespectful to me, injurious to my parliament, and irreconcilable to the principles of the constitution. "I have ever made the law of the land the rule of my conduct, esteeming it my chief glory to reign over a free people: with this view I have always been careful, as well to execute faithfully the trust reposed in me, as to avoid even the appearance of invading any of those powers which the constitution has placed in other hands. It is only by persevering in such a conduct, that I can either discharge my own duty, or secure to my subjects the free enjoyment of those rights which my family were called to defend; and while I act upon these principles, I shall have a right to expect, and I am confident I shall continue to receive the steady and affectionate support of my people." the Remonstrance, attending parliament, as they disavowed its being a parliament. There were many reasons for taking it into consideration: the king in his Answer had said it was disrespectful to himself; this alone was a sufficient reason, as it was the duty of parliament to prevent any disrespect being shewn to the king, and especially it became the duty of the House, when it was also said to be injurious to parliament, and irreconcilable to the constitution, which he said it certainly was, as it prayed the king to take notice of a transaction of the House, which it would have been a breach of privilege in the king to have done. Mr. BURKE said: Sir: I cannot look upon the present motion without the deepest concern. I cannot consider the present situation of the country without the most sensible regret: torn, distracted as we already are, with intestine divisions, is it not amazing that any gentleman, instead of wisely trying to heal our wounds, should endeavour to render those wounds still wider, and instead of applying lenitives to mitigate the rage of the political fever, should madly administer such inflammatives, as threaten the actual existence of our constitution? A The object of the motion before you, Sir, is to cast a stigma upon the chief city of the British empire: a city which, on numberless occasions, has proved herself the true friend to freedom, the undaunted supporter of justice, and the invincible champion of our glorious constitution. measure of this nature would at any time be extremely injudicious; but at a period like the present, it is big with a thousand dangers. The metropolis, Sir, is composed of the wealthiest citizens in the British dominions; their number is great, their influence prodigious, and their proceedings are, in general, the rules of action for all the inferior corporations in the kingdom. To brand them, therefore, at any time with a mark of obloquy, is to render an extensive share of the people dissatisfied, either with the equity or the moderation of government. It is to make that very part of the community to which in the hour of public exigence we fly for assistance; from which we supplicate our loans, and obtain the essential sinews of political strength, our declared, nay, what is more, our confirmed enemies; and out of resentment to them, to do a manifest outrage upon ourselves. This, Sir, would at any time be the consequence of offending the city of London: but, in the present case, the evils must be infinitely more complicated and alarming. To censure the citizens for what nine-tenths of the whole empire consider as an act of the most exalted virtue, is to rouse the indignation of every honest subject in the extensive circuit of our dominions. It is to aggravate the fury of a discontent, already too pregnant with danger, and to open a scene of horror, that will not close, perhaps, but on the total overthrow of the constitution. Were I, Sir, an enemy to administration, instead of being simply an opposer of measures, and could I be base enough, through pique to any man in office, to overlook the welfare of my country, instead of rising up to oppose the present motion, I should be one of the most strenuous to support it, because I am positive nothing could so certainly accelerate their destruction. But, Sir, I am incapable of taking a mean revenge, however I may be injured, and I never will smile in the face of a foe when I mean to strike at his heart. For this reason, as well as for the infinitely more important reason of public good, I stand up to oppose the question before the chair; to bear my testimony to its injustice, as well as its inexpediency; to support the unquestionable birth-right of the British subject, and to defend the sanctity of our laws. It is an observation sufficiently supported by the experience of all states and ages, that a fluctuation of councils. in any kingdom is a manifest proof of its imbecility: admitting the position, therefore, and applying it to the councils of Great Britain, I believe the records both of ancient and modern history, will find it utterly impossible to point out an æra of such weakness, as the last nine years of the English annals. During this period, Sir, the the Remonstrance, attending parliament, as t Mr. BURKE S.'' Sir: I cann araber of Sale's, the sation's, and vide the wd be just a on. In the ministers could Each different clearness of his his own peculiar ally contradicted seer of one day was next, and, like Penegislative power was which cost such pro rom this heterogeneous r a sensible man might ܫ ܢ e evident through every was sacrificed to conxperience of years was ne dimsy speculation. Thus As not, who could do the would undertake to do it at grity would not accept of neither allowed to exercise De rectitude of their hearts. their parts, nor their princiall-directing favourite, and ad stoop to the despicable rdless both of honour and the more than Augean stable though infamy into office, were could be prevailed upon to The effects of these blessed discovered: the blunders comwere to be supported by violence, - the unrelenting despotism of a administration, because it exclaimed against the fools. Hence, having expelled a member of without cause, they proceeded to strip his conof their privileges without reason—and, so that ..try resentment against a single individual could be atified, no matter what ruin they dragged down upon the community. Through all the distresses, however, all the miseries, which absurdity in the extreme, and little-minded rage, stung by disappointment into madness, brought upon the nation, the people still preserved their temper, from an inviolable affection for their sovereign; and did not think of approaching the throne with their grievances, till the malversation of ministers threatened immediate destruction to the state: till the sacred right of election, wrested from their hands, filled the freeholders of Great Britain with universal apprehension for their liberties, they never disturbed the royal repose with their complaints. But oppression having now exceeded all bounds the axe being at length laid at the very root of the subject's independence-the people of England can be silent no longer: their silence at this time would be no less injurious to their sovereign, than dangerous to them. selves: they have therefore in a constitutional, in a legal, in a becoming manner; in a manner equally honourable to their independency as Englishmen, and to their attachment as loyal subjects, informed the throne of its enemies, and of their own sufferings; they have pointed out the disease and the remedy, the source of our calamities and the means of redress. And shall we, Sir, because they have on this important occasion exercised the right of petition and remonstrance, which is secured to them by the laws, and particularly guarantied by the glorious Revolution; shall we, I say, load them with the censure of this house? Forbid it reason, forbid it justice, forbid it liberty! This house is instituted to protect the freedom of the subject, not to punish the subject for demanding to be free; it is instituted to scrutinize into the actions of ministers, not to be the desperate instrument of ministerial revenge. |