for the advantage and prosperity of all his majesty's extensive dominions, and may you continue a loyal, free, and happy people, until time shall be no more!"

It is said, Sir, that the children of this world are wiser in their generation than the children of light; and if we judge of his lordship from his speech upon this principle, I think we must certainly conclude, that he is not a child of this world: it is somewhat unfortunate, that the same speech furnishes equal evidence that he is not one of the children of light. The address, which in his lordship's opinion is both kind and affectionate, seems to have at least as much of the subtilty of the serpent, as the milkiness of the dove; it expresses hope and confidence in a manner that implies fear and distrust: his lordship, however, whether by his simplicity or his prudence, has taken it literally; what 'present' it was that this address heightened, cannot easily be guessed; perhaps he might mean his appointments, a present from the British ministry to British merit. But whatever sense might be couched under this oracular obscurity, with respect to that which the address heightened,' there can be no doubt about what the address filled,' which is manifestly no other than his lordship himself; what it filled him with is also expressed with great clearness, elegance, and precision; it filled him with expectations of fully answering the purposes of his royal master, which must, as he says, be delightful expectations. Devotion has unfortunately been the common veil of pernicious designs, and I am sorry to say, that his ordship's conclusion of this speech with an ejaculation, as a parson does his sermon, puts me in mind of the wag in the play, who follows an honest gentleman with "God bless and preserve your honour's worship," while he is slily picking his pocket. I hope his excellency will forgive me, but I shrewdly sus pect that he had it in commission to make his American brethren slaves, while he was thus devoutly praying that they might be for ever free.

I shall not now enquire into the right of Great Britain to tax her colonies," all that is lawful is not expedient,"

4

mency of taxing our colonies, zow evident to every man he same folly and infatuation ef at first, it is now rendered arce is not certainly the less, but easy to shew, that the tax upon - en inadequate to the purpose for very shilling of it had been levied; soundantly convinced us that this ioses, and must continue to lose a

sum than it would have amounted to on of goods that have already paid a se of 3 revenue to our colonies in America, we have been consumed there.

use that are governed is the ultimate ent, and not any supposed dignity of the

It is very easy to discover what mearend most to the general advantage both the mother country: and there can be these measures ought to be pursued, dion may ensue to the trustees of public ...er weakly or wickedly have betrayed their the right of taxation should be waved, not to here is no reasonable pretence that the ...e off their dependance: they will, even ged, at least in their own estimation, upon it, as much as any British subject on this , and all they contend for is, that this denot be more. There can be no doubt, but s think they do right in those very parwhen we affect to think they do wrong; they gling for that liberty which we enjoy, ge them with an attempt to shake off the ...ch we submit. The question is, in itself, na may be said to be doubtful about which sest and best men in the kingdom have ions; the consequences of remitting the vinen 22 weil known, as well as the consequences of

་ཙམ་

continuing them; and I leave every disinterested anu dispassionate man in the kingdom to determine which is mos. eligible.

Our grievances, Sir, are indisputable, they are known to all Europe; and the eyes of all Europe are upon us this day, expecting that they would not have been passed over in silence they have engaged their conversation, as well as our feelings, and when this hour of expected redress is at last arrived, how are we disappointed! how are we mortified! Instead of being regarded as persons capable of redressing public grievances, or guardians of the liberties of our electors, we are only recommended to suppress an infection now raging among the horned cattle, as if the members of this honourable House possessed only the qualification of cow doctors.

How shall we account for this strange proceeding? Cannot we perceive that this is the echo of a venal administration, who are at once daring and feeble, and who being practised in corruption, have fitted themselves for the worst purposes; who have been so hackneyed in all that is wicked and mean, that they have lost all sense both of virtue and honour, and are reduced to the last alternative - an impudent perseverance?

Another account of this debate appeared in the London Magazine for January 1770, in which Mr. Burke is reported to have spoken as follows:

Mr. EDMUND BURKE began with reprehending Sir Fletcher Norton for giving his private opinion in a matter not now in debate, at the same time not saying one syllable to the question, or setting the matter of the petitions right: it was such an answer, to what had been asserted of a general discontent, to say that the majority of the counties had not petitioned, as he had never heard. What, is it not a bad government unless all the counties of England represent it as such? Is there no proof of the majority of freeholders being discontented, unless a majority of the

tioning counties, unless the tion? Are the farmers of ve many ways of securing -the government — pensions, Levees of great men- but They have no weight, they are to be excluded the es and complaining of

done.

lusion to the parable aid this was the freegment is it to say, any general discontent, not sign them! The much influenced; but the all fear, all influence. The justices of peace ent of the crown; and if I should hope it would st the petitions, if ever it there no discontent, if all What would they have that member of the community er heard of such an arguwill now be for the last hing like the present comS or address from the time

and I believe the inexpediency c
even supposing it to be lawful, is ne
in this kingdom. If by the sau
which produced the mischief at
irremediable, the grievance is
the greater. It would be easy
America would have been ins
which it was imposed, if every
and the experiment has abun
nation has lost, still loses,
much greater annual sum t
by the non-exportation of
duty for the purposes of a r
which would otherwise hav
The benefit of those t
end of all government, al
governing power.
It is
sures would now tend
of the colonies and the
no doubt but that th
whatever mortification
who either we
power,
charge. If the righ:
say given up, ther
colonies will shake.
in that case, depen.
British government
side the water, and
pendance shall not
that our colonies
ticulars in which
think they are st.
while we charge the
government to which
doubtful; if that m
some of the wise.
formed opposite of
the duties are well

Look into the history of Second's time, into other resented. Were there not The Whigs petitioning one

parties always opposing was any thing like the prerge against the petitions is, tion stated many grievances,

groundless. What! hem, but confine themselves ce, is that an evidence that