BILL TO REGULATE THE IMPORTATION AND EXPORTATION of CORN. April 14. TH HE House went into a committee to consider the present state of the corn trade, in which Mr. Pownall moved the following resolutions: 1. "That it is the opinion of this committee, that the importation of wheat and wheat flour, rye and rye meal, into this kingdom, be admitted for a limited time, free of duty. 2. That the importation of rice, from any of his majesty's colonies in America, into Great Britain, be admitted, for a limited time, free of duty. 3. That, if the importation and exportation of corn were properly regulated by some permanent law, it would afford encouragement to the farmer, be the means of encreasing the growth of that necessary commodity, of affording a cheaper and more constant supply to the poor, and of preventing abuses in that article of trade. 4. That the duties now payable upon wheat and wheat flour imported into this kingdom, when the price of wheat is at or above 48s. per quarter shall cease, determine, and be no longer paid. 5. That the duties now payable upon rye imported into this kingdom, when the price of rye in this kingdom is at or above 328. per quarter, shall cease, determine, and be no longer paid. 6. That a duty of 6d. per quarter be laid upon all wheat imported into this kingdom, when the price of wheat in this kingdom shall be at or above 48s. per quarter. 7. That a duty of 2d. per cwt. be laid upon all wheat flour imported. into this kingdom, when the price of wheat in this kingdom shall be at or above 48s. per quarter. 8. That a duty of 3d. per quarter be laid upon all rye imported into this kingdom, when the price of rye in this kingdom shall be at or above 288. peř quarter. 9. That the exportation of wheat, wheat meal, and wheat flour, from this kingdom, when the price of wheat shall be at or above 448. per quarter, be prohibited. 10. That the exportation of wheat, wheat meal, and wheat flour, when the price of wheat shall be under 44s. per quarter, be permitted, with the bounty allowed by the statutes of 1st William and Mary, shall be of the growth of this kingdom, and exported according to the regulations prescribed by those and other acts of parliament. 11. That the exportation of rye from this kingdom, when the price of rye shall be at or above 28s. per quarter, be prohibited. 12. That, for and upon all wheat, wheat flour, and rye, which shall have been imported into this kingdom, and which shall be exported again thereout, shall be drawn back, any and all such duty and duties as shall have been paid, on the importation of the said wheat, and wheat flour and rye into Great Britain; such drawback to be demanded and paid under such rules and regulations as drawbacks in cases of the like nature are drawn back and paid." Mr. BURKE shewed that this matter had been already two years under consideration; that the resolutions now proposed were unanimously agreed to by the House last year, and that the present time and circumstances of the country seemed to be the very proper moment for carrying them into execution; that if they could have any effect, this was the proper time to apply them. He then replied to the several doubts and difficulties which had been raised, in an excellent speech, full of that knowledge which he possesses of these matters; and explained, with that clearness of which he is master, both the effect of supply and trade; and shewed the united interests of the landed and commercial parts of this country; that nothing could be more detrimental than their jealousies of each other; and that nothing could be so advantageous to this country, as their united efforts for their mutual benefit. As this measure was animated with that spirit, he approved of it. The resolutions were agreed to, and a bill was ordered to be bought in. In the committee on the bill, upon the 4th of May, Lord Clare observed, that the distresses of the poor were be so urgent, as to render the attempt at a remedy absonecessary; that he and some others had made a minute into this affair in Essex, and had found that a labourer six or seven in family, could not after paying for and other indispensable articles, afford each more than ags a day for corn or bread. In such a state of things, was it not, he asked, absolutely necessary to discontinue the bounty for exportation, and to prohibit exportation altogether, when the price of corn equalled or exceeded 44, instead of 488. a quarter? Mr. BURKE said: Sir; nothing but the ingenuity of the noble lord could have made plausible the doctrine which he has now supported. He has laboured to prove that we ought to make provision for the necessities of the poor, and recommended charity as the great Christian virtue that is to remove all their wants. Sir, I am no enemy to the poor. On the contrary, I sympathise with their distresses. On this occasion I give way to the present bill, not because I approve of the measure in itself, but because I think it prudent to yield to the spirit of the times. The people will have it so, and it is not for their representatives to say nay. I cannot, however, help entering my protest against the general principles of policy on which it is supported, because I think them extremely dangerous. At present we feel a kind of dearth, and the people are uneasy. What are we going to do for their relief? In order to remove a temporary evil, we are going to establish a general law which will operate when that evil has ceased. The average price of corn, as has been frequently proved, has sunk greatly since the bounty upon exportation commenced. What, then, can be more impolitic, than to discontinue a regulation, of which the utility has thus been ascertained by the most unerring of guides, experience? The intention of the bounty is only to enable our merchants to bring the British corn to foreign markets upon a par with what is furnished by the countries where it is sold. The bounty, therefore, is only meant to defray the expence of exportation, and without it you will never be able to export, except when there is a famine abroad. Now, is there any reason to apprehend that this will often be the case, or at most so often as to afford England a vent for the surplus of corn produced by a plentiful is new establishment the u her the source of much Tet the landed interest be Will not less corn be grown? market? Will not the price be , whom you mean to serve, , this is but a pitiful expedient which will return with double the people of this island know, that ere they must relieve themselves by There is no other possible remedy. harity and parliamentary aid, but I the end prove ineffectual. If the quote a bugand socid take it in their heads to idle away *y, no human contrivance could inFor what, I beseech you, are charity, and as the only succedaneum, but part of ve or waxy, of the public stock? Let me tell you, saw the are charitable to them, but they to us. ANY artion of what is produced by their la AVİ MİYAT give it back, we give back but their into a at however, open our hands precipitately or aberer, sad endeavour to persuade them that we can pe poi vid is actually out of our power. Let us his maxim, that they must work out their their own hand. When the crops fail in maquian what foreign country can give it aid? used the Commons, and was carried up to the Das BUDGET FOR THE YEAR 1772. May 1. ving resolved itself into a committee of ways North opened his plan of finance for the year. After Mr. Dowdeswell, Mr. Jenkinson, Mr. Hervey, and Mr. Cornwall had addressed the committee, Mr. BURKE rose and said: Sir Charles Whitworth; I do not rise so much to discuss the new plan of finance proposed by the minister as to offer my sentiments upon certain unconstitutional doctrines which he has advanced. The right honourable gentleman who spoke second in the debate, begs to know the reason of the contradictory orders lately issued from the admiralty; for, notwithstanding the pretended ignorance of an honourable gentleman who sits at that board, such orders, I find, were actually issued. The noble lord does not deny that we have a right to enquire into this, as well as into all other matters, that affect the commonwealth. But how would he have us institute this enquiry? What plan does he chalk out to enable us to come at the proper data, at the facts, upon which our decision must depend? Why, he refers us to time. Time is the sole oracle to whom we must apply for the solution of all our doubts and difficulties. From the minister no, information is to be expected. These secrets, as too sacred to be trusted to our profane keeping, he preserves locked up in his own breast. How long is it since we became thus unworthy of having whatever affected the honour and dignity of the nation communicated to us? There was a time when ministers thought themselves bound to account to this House for their conduct; but it is now no more. If we call upon those who are in responsible offices for any necessary information, they desire us to go and consult time. The ancient parlia mentary mode was to apply to the treasury, to the admiralty, or directly to the sovereign; but now we must turn our eyes to time. A very useful invention this to administration; for it will render any enquiry into their conduct very difficult, if not impossible. , Sir, I am not surprized to find the House so very dis |