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Entered as second-class matter November 18, 1907, at the Post Office, New York, N. Y., under the Act of Congress of March 1, 1879 VOL. IV

NEW YORK, NOVEMBER 5, 1910

Just two days before the untimely death of Professor Morris Hickey Morgan, of Harvard University, in March last appeared a volume entitled Addresses and Essays (American Book Co.: 275 pages), in which he had gathered together fifteen papers published by him since 1893. Of these three Ideal with Vitruvius, to whom Professor Morgan had given much attention in the last years of his life; these papers (The Language of Vitruvius, Notes on Vitruvius, and The Preface of Vitruvius) Occupy pages 159-272, and so constitute the main portion of the book. There is an article on The Water Supply of Ancient Rome (75-84), besides papers on Lysias, Cicero, Quintilian, etc. There is, also, a brief note on Quin with the Subjunctive in Questions.

I am concerned at present only with the first paper in the volume (pages 5-33), an address on The Student of the Classics, delivered before the Harvard Classical Club on March 2, 1905.

Professor Morgan begins by pointing out the danger of "lecture" courses. They are dangerous to professors, as making for indolence (the professor does not have to find out whether his hearers are prepared to appreciate what he is saying); he is uninterrupted by questions, an ordeal that might be of profit to him; he becomes too dogmatic, since there is no one present more learned than he to dispute his dogmas. They are dangerous to the student, as making for irregular work, as tending to breed the notion that one can, by passive hearing, become a scholar, and as leading the auditors to believe that "in the lecture course they are getting the real thing" instead of a skeleton, which "must be clothed with the flesh and blood, which are the life, by each auditor for himself in private study

Private study, then, is the duty of the student, not specialization, but wide reading, particularly for the American who would be a classical philologist, since we read so little in preparation for college.

This reading may be intensive, with the help of all possible aids, or extensive, "current or cursory"; the latter may introduce us to new authors or help us to complete the reading of some author studied in course. The extensive reading may be done in summer vacations, the only time we have free from numberless distractions; Professor Morgan speaks earnestly against the waste of a quarter of our

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lives through the neglect of the chance vacation offers for wide reading in some author.

The author illustrates his point by some acute remarks about Livy (13-16). Our authorities insist that Livy, as an historian, had no critical sense; but, says Professor Morgan, one who reads Livy in the large, trusting to his own observation, will remark, especially if he has any sense of humor at all, how wide of the truth such a judgment is. It is clear to such a reader that Livy knew himself, and that he repeatedly reminded his readers, how meager his authorities for the early period were.

Furthermore, we must always remember that we have only portions of Livy's work, or rather only some of the earlier forty-five books. These carry us down to 167 B. C. and cover the period of five hundred and eighty-six years. But there were nearly one hundred more books when the work was completed. And of these hundred, thirty-four dealt with a period of only forty-four years, from 53 to 9 B. C. It is therefore obvious that as Livy began to reach times of which he could write with some hope of reporting actual facts, his work grew vastly more detailed, and this, coupled with the scepticism which led him to treat early events in the more sketchy and general manner in which he does treat them, shows that if the later books were extant, we should have in them a trustworthy source of knowledge for the later period.

It is a far cry from Macaulay's confident declaration that "no historian with whom we are acquainted has shown so complete an indifference to truth (as Livy)" to this well-fortified utterance of a sound classical scholar.

This cursory reading, continues Professor Morgan, may be subsidiary to some special investigation involving, in greater or less degree, true research. On pages 20 ff. come some suggestions of themes which await attention, in various fields of classical philology; here is material for doctors' dissertations or for articles by those who already are doctors or who never hope or wish to become doctors. There is always, he continues, something new in classical philology for those who know how and where to look.

Of this last dictum two examples are given, both from the fourth volume of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri. One fragment is a sort of certificate, signed and sealed by magistrates, meant to protect a man from the charge of being a Christian; this declared that he had met tests akin to those described by Pliny in his famous letter to Trajan, that is, that he had in

orthodox fashion worshipped the national gods. As Professor Morgan notes, here is material for an important part of a commentary on Pliny.

The other example interests me far more, as touching more closely my own studies in the fragments of early Latin. This gives the argument of a lost play of the Greek comic poet Cratinus (2532). Various scholars had made attempts, full of learning, to set forth the nature and contents of this play. One hit the truth in part, only to have his conjecture forgotten, to be repeated later, independently, by another, but even these writers had seen but a small part of the truth.

Finally, the discovery of this argument teaches us once again how dangerous it is to work up a theory of the contents of a lost work from the chance fragments of it that may have survived. For even now that we know what the play is about, there is only one of the dozen fragments of it which we can fit into the plot with any sort of certainty. How much more untrustworthy, then, must be the results in the cases of most lost plays, of which we know nothing. More than thirty years ago, Leo said: "fieri non potest ut atticae comoediae ullius argumentum e fragmentis refingatur".

Here, then, in a short paper, we have familiar thoughts presented with freshness and vigor side by side with new and acute observations concerning Livy and Cratinus. In connection with the former I venture to quote what Professor Greenough said in the preface to his edition of the Sermones and Epistulae of Horace:

But the editor has derived so much advantage from editions of the Classics in which the notes reminded him in particular connections of things which in general he knew before, that he has not inquired so much whether a thing was likely to be known, as whether it was likely to be thought of in the connection.

In conclusion I beg to be allowed to refer to what I said in THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY 2.1-2 concerning the endless opportunities for effective work in the field of classical philology. C. K.

HAS THE STUDY OF LATIN AN EDUCATIONAL

VALUE?

The end and purpose of education is the development of the powers of the human soul; the revealing of the soul to itself is to make man the best of his kind, and to fit him for the higher realms of life, thought and activity. The acquisition of knowledge is incidental.

To secure these ends, means must be employed and the more effective the means the more perfect the result; hence the organization of schools and school systems and the formation of curricula.

It is a principle, long since conceded, that a subject which has no educational value is worthy of no place in a course of study. In arranging curricula or courses of study, the subjects selected are those that extensive experience, long and con

tinuous observation and the testimony of the best authorities of the past have found to be the most effective and the best adapted for developing and strengthening the faculties of the mind and the powers of the soul.

Among the many subjects that are to be found in courses of study Latin has been among the first in importance from the very beginning.

The various subjects arranged in courses of study have a general rather than a specific function, in that they contribute more or less to the development of the entire being, intellectual, moral and physical, just as the foods that contain iron, lime, sugar, phosphorus, proteids, carbohydrates, etc., are essential for the proper growth of the body and the health and vigor of the individual. Cicero expresses this idea well in these words: Etenim omnes artes, quae ad humanitatem pertinent, habent quoddam commune vinculum et quasi cognatione quadam inter se continentur.

A very pertinent question is this: why has the study of Latin any preeminent claim in our secondary schools? The answer is ready: because of its efficiency in training one in his own mother tongue, which involves not merely the augmentation of one's vocabulary, important as that is, but the broadening of ideas and the absorption of those ideas into one's intellectual and moral life. Our training in English, then, is the first and most important reason for the study of Latin in our secondary schools. The pupils in these schools are in the formative period both in their mental and in their moral development; hence it is absolutely essential that the best and most effective means and methods be employed.

The translation from Latin into one's mothertongue is a vigorous, strenuous exercise. The noun and the verb forms are to be properly arranged according to the relation of the one to the other; the meaning and the significance of the words must be properly comprehended and so indicated in the vernacular as to make a good smooth sentence. The Latin sentence may be long and complex with many varied noun and verb constructions; then, too, the vocabulary may give a dozen or more definitions for many of the words in the sentence. Yet out of this seemingly incongruous and meaningless arrangement of words, the pupil, after a long struggle and close application, evolves a strong as well as a smooth sentence, beautiful in thought and teeming with truth. Of what value is it to him? He is gaining knowledge of the resources of his own language, of the different shades of meaning of words, the chromatic of words, as I have sometimes called it. He learns to differentiate related words and to combine them in connected ideas, and he thus secures percept of form and style and the ability to express himself clearly, succinctly

and effectively. Every teacher of experience has found this to be a fact, not a mere theory. There is no exercise in one's own vernacular, be it English, German, French or what not, comparable with a written translation from Latin. Let the passage to be translated be that beautiful simile of the bees from Vergil in which the lesson of industry is so admirably, clearly and forcefully taught, or that one of the sturdy oak and the Alpine winds which teaches the sublime lesson of devotion to duty and obedience to the will of the gods, or let it be one of those clear and lucid passages from Cicero which teach patriotism, the duties and the responsibilities of citizenship: who can estimate the value of an exercise of this character in which a careful selection of words and the proper arrangement of phrases and clauses are required, the resultant of which is improvement in style, clearness of expression and the inculcation of noble principles and moral truths.

The immeasurable value of the contribution made by the translation of Latin to the mastery of one's own language is very generally recognized by educators. An eminent German educator (Dettweiler) says:

We must not forget that the real strength of Latin instruction lies in the recognition of the wide difference of ideas, which is brought out in the choice of words and phrases as one translates from the Latin to the German. The Latin language, in its means and mode of expression, is so remote from our own, that translation from it demands the exercise of stylistic power the development of which in the pupil must in the future constitute one of the noblest tasks of the teachers in our Gymnasien.

The training in English, too, is the very significant result of the study of Latin and most naturally since our vocabulary is so largely made up from the Latin. I observe also that the study of Latin develops the power of observation. For the pupil must note carefully and accurately the forms of every noun and every verb and their position and grammatical relation. It also develops the power to represent or record the thing or fact observed. This is always a mental picture or concept and may be expressed orally or in writing. Then, too, the power of reasoning is developed. A noun may be one of the several kinds of genitives, a dative after some special verb, an ablative of one of the twenty-five or thirty varieties of meanings, or one of the subjunctives so significant in their force and meaning. The pupil must select from all these varieties of similar forms the proper one, the only one to express the thought clearly and properly. This requires the closest reasoning possible. And, not least in value, the study of Latin develops the power of expression. The ability to record and express one's observations, and to reason in a clear, concise and forcible manner is an accomplishment

much to be desired and is greatly facilitated by the translation of Latin into one's own tongue.

Some modern critics assert that the results I have claimed for the study of Latin are derived from the study of the modern languages. No one will deny the usefulness of the study of German and French. But because of their nature and structure they never have produced, and I do not believe they ever will produce the same mental strength, breadth and force as do Latin and Greek. The thoughts and ideas of the Classics are very remote from our own language and the civilization they represent is very different from our civilization, while the thoughts and ideas of the modern languages are much akin to our own and the civilization exhibited by these is much allied to ours. It is this basic difference which makes the study of Latin more valuable in its power to develop the faculties of the mind. The testimony of educators is that the study of modern languages does not give satisfactory scholarship. The testimony of German and French teachers is in the same line and of the same tenor. Brunetiere says:

Own

Experience, gained under most exceptional conditions, has shown that for opening the mind and for general development, for the knowledge of our tongue and for literary skill Latin is of supreme value; the boys who instead of a Classical have a purely French education with the addition of modern languages are at least two perhaps three years behind their fellows.

It would seem from the above statement that we cannot overvalue the importance of the study of Latin in our secondary schools. If only one lan

guage is to be studied the Latin should have the preference. This is essential both for the intellectual tone and standard of the school and for the benefit of the pupil in that it will give him a broader scholarship.

M. ST. HIGH SCHOOL, Washington, D. C.

JAMES STORUM.

SALLUST'S CATILINE IN THIRD YEAR WORK Now that the new entrance requirements allow the schools greater freedom in the choice of texts, many doubtless will wish to include in the work of the third or fourth year some study of Sallust. The purpose of the present paper is not to discuss the wisdom of so doing, nor to decide which book of Sallust is best adapted for such use; it is merely to offer a few remarks on method in case the Bellum Catilinae is chosen and some or all of Cicero's orations against Catiline are retained.

The first arrangement that naturally suggests itself is to make Sallust's connected narrative and short sentences a stepping stone to Cicero's longer periods and less methodical treatment. But, while parts of Sallust are easier than almost anything in Cicero, the more abstract or epigrammatic portions,

such as the preface (cc.1-4) or the interesting digressions upon social and economic conditions (e. g. cc.6-13), are far beyond the comprehension of the ordinary boy or girl who has read only Caesar. If these are omitted, we lose much valuable information as well as a just comprehension of the essay in its entirety. They should be read, therefore, but not until some familiarity with Sallust's style has been gained. The work in prose composition involves us in another practical difficulty, since Sallust is poorly adapted to serve as a model for writing, and the reading of Cicero can not begin till three or four months have elapsed. Again, by the time that the conspirators have been executed or killed in battle under Sallust's auspices, the pupils feel too much natural satisfaction at having reached the end of a long story to enjoy beginning it all again with quo usque tandem; Cicero, the greater stylist, will be partly spoiled for them by their knowledge of the events and the outcome, and any rapid comparison of the two versions is difficult when they are not read simultaneously.

Another possibility is to begin with Cicero, reading from day to day passages from the other author which throw light on his account. If these selections are short, however (as, for example, in D'Ooge's edition of Cicero's orations), one will get little command over Sallust's style, little idea of his treatment as a whole; if, on the other hand, they are long enough to meet this objection, there is danger that one may lose the thread of Cicero's argument.

A third plan, which in the experience of the writer is far more effective than either of the foregoing, is to use Sallust for the historical background, inserting Cicero's orations in their proper place in his story. Two or three days should be given at first to a review of important events and a sketch of economic conditions during the half century which preceded the conspiracy. The class should also be warned of the aristocratic prejudices of both their authors and asked to watch for discrepancies, exaggerations, or unfairness. Then they may read as follows:

(a) Character and early life of Catiline; his first attempt at revolution: Sall. Cat. 5.1-8, 15, 18, 19; (b) Beginning of the second conspiracy: Sall. Cat. 14, 16, 17, 20-31.6;

(c) Attack on Catiline in the senate: Cic. in Cat. I;

(d) His reply and flight: Sall. Cat. 31.7-32.2; (e) Description of his forces: Cic. in Cat. 2; Sall. Cat. 36.4-39.5;

(f) Attempts to treat with the Optimates: Sall. Cat. 32.3-36.3:

(g) Negotiations with the Allobroges; arrest and trial of the conspirators: Sall. Cat. 39.6-47; Cic. in Cat. 3;

(h) Attempt to implicate Crassus and Caesar: Sall. Cat. 48-50.2;

(i) Debate on the punishment, speeches of Caesar, Cicero, and Cato: Sall. Cat. 50.3-52.1; Cic. in Cat. 4; Sall. Cat. 52.1-53.1;

(j) Execution of the prisoners; defeat and death of Catiline: Sall. Cat. 55-61.

Either the second and third orations or the corresponding chapters of Sallust (cf. e, g) may be omitted or read by the teacher without serious loss. Chapters 14-16 of Sallust (a, b) are likewise of less interest. Much of f, g, j is easy enough for rapid reading, while other passages bearing on the conspiracy (e. g. Cic. ad Att. 1.2; ad fam. 5.7; Phil. 2.11-20) may well be used for further work at sight.

Any injustice that is done to Sallust through this disarrangement of his narrative can be atoned for by reviewing his work in order, including the omitted portions (cc. 1-4, 5.9-13, 53.2-54), which at this stage of the year's work are not too difficult for the average class.

The practical merits of this third plan are obvious: (1) there is a gradual increase in the difficulty of the Latin, which begins with simple and concrete narrative; (2) Cicero may be used as a model for work in composition within a month after the beginning of the year; (3) interest is stimulated by the occasional change of author, but the selections are long enough-ten pages on the average to avoid scrappiness while giving variety; (4) the order of events is kept, each account fills up gaps in the other, and different versions of the same occurrence are read in quick succession. As a result, the four orations of Cicero and the entire Catilina of Sallust can be covered more satisfactorily in about a month less time than is required for the arrangement first described. VASSAR COLlege.

MARY BRADFORD PEAKS.

A NOTE ON HORACE'S SECOND EPODE In connection with the subject, The Feeling for Nature in Horace's Poetry (see my paper in THE CLASSICAL WEEKLY 3.242-247), the puzzling poem, Epode 2, repays study. Of its 70 lines the first 66 appear at first sight to be an enthusiastic description of country life: longing for its activities abroad and its family pleasures at home. But the last four lines with an unexpected turn make the whole preceding part a dramatic monologue spoken by a usurer, Alfius, a city fellow who in spite of his fine protestations about country life continues in the city in his occupation of money-lending. These four lines have caused endless discussion as to whether the poem is an idyl or a satire. As Theodor Plüsz points out in his explanation', to solve the problem we must consider both the relation be1 Das lambenbuch des Horaz, 8-16.

tween the end and the preceding part, and again the relation between the subject-matter and the form. As regards the second point, Plüsz thinks that if the poem had been intended as an idyl, Horace would have used the elegiac form, not the iambic epode, a form which belongs to dramatic action, irony, or even parody. As regards the first point, it is not necessary to explain as Plüsz does that the whole poem is a satire, dramatic in character, of the elegiac-idyllic form of expression in general, and a parody of Vergil's Georgics in particular. A simpler explanation seems rather to be that Horace did write a sincere and natural description of country life and becoming too enthusiastic in his praises called himself back suddenly at the close with an Heineesque self-irony, by placing the whole poem in the mouth of a city banker who could not carry out his fine thoughts. This ending of anticlimax and virtual self-depreciation is paralleled by the endings of the two Odes (2.1; 3.3), where Horace bids his muse leave the solemn national themes she has been singing for her proper sphere of merry trifling. And this seems to be the proper interpretation in view of Horace's whole temperament. He was not an ardent nature, was always a critic as much as a poet and, when once he let himself go in enthusiasm, he was the first to call himself back to limits of moderation.

In the Ars Poetica, the Epistle in which Horace combined his balancing functions of poet and critic, he has a passage about nature descriptions which is illuminating for us here, as it shows that he has considered the effect of nature description in the poetry of the time and has definite standards about it (14-17):

Inceptis gravibus plerumque et magna professis purpureus late qui splendeat unus et alter adsuitur pannus, cum lucus et ara Dianae

et properantis aquae per amoenos ambitus agros aut flumen Rhenum aut pluvius describitur arcus. "Frequently after an effective beginning" (he is speaking of a piece of literature), “a beginning that promises much, a purple patch or two is stitched on to make a fine showing when the grove or altar of Diana is described, or the wanton water winding through the woods, or the river Rhine, or the rainbow".

The danger of 'the purple patch'! Is not that what Horace with his fine aesthetic sense for proportion is avoiding in this second Epode? He will write no passage about nature that will seem too highly colored. His most brilliant description he will set in iambic lines as more of a satire than an idyl and attribute it at the end to a city money lender to remove any danger of a charge of false emotionalism in his tone. VASSAR College.

ELIZABETH HAZELTON HAIGHT.

REVIEW

Ammiani Marcellini rerum gestarum libri qui supersunt. Recensuit rhythmiceque distinxit Carolus U. Clark. Vol. I. Berlin: Weidmann (1910). 16 Marks.

With the appearance of this work it is not too much to say that American classical scholarship enters upon a new period. For while we have long possessed men who under more favorable circumstances could have produced a critical edition on this scale, the fact remains that our reviews have now their very first opportunity to welcome any classical author complete, in a definitive editio maior, based upon the fullest first-hand knowledge of all the manuscript material. Fortuna Philologica, if there be such a goddess, has taken grim delight in assigning to most of us the task of needlessly duplicating college or school editions, in the interest of rival series, or that of editing other people's more or less juiceless contributions in our competing journals. In all this scholarly Sahara at last an oasis appears! A work undertaken under the auspices of Traube and Mommsen, with the encouragement of the Berlin Academy, and the assistance of one so steeped in Tacitus and his imitators as Wilhelm Heraeus, is sure to win the most substantial recognition for Professor Clark, and through him for American scholarship. The editions of Eyssenhardt (Berlin, 1871) and Gardthausen (Teubner series, Leipzig, 1874-1875) are at once displaced by an edition which in every respect surpasses them, and has the further advantage of new textual resources-the fragments of the Hersfeld codex, now at Marburg.

The first volume contains books 14-25, with a brief preface and five plates of MSS. The second -for the most part already in type-will include books 26-31, with full discussion of the MSS, chapters on Ammianus's rhythmical procedure, and indices. Especially commendable is the disposition of the critical notes, in that the readings of inferior MSS and emendations appear in a second group of critical material at the foot of the page. As compared with the text of Gardthausen and Eyssenhardt, the new recension shows great independence. Naturally many of the conjectures of Bentley, Mommsen, Heraeus, Clark, etc., must be accepted as far from certain. But in an author whose intricate style was so easily corrupted, who can doubt the necessity of heroic treatment? It is safe to say that no conjecture has been accepted which does not rest upon a thorough acquaintance with the author's peculiarities.

A new feature is the rhythmical punctuation, based upon the observations of Wilhelm Meyer. Only the period and the comma are used, and each marks a rhythmical cadence. Thus the reason for many an

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