unworthy of minute attention; others will probably declaim against it, in general terms, as a minifterial publication; but they will all avoid an examination of its reasonings, for these reasonings are unanswerable. Such treatment as this, fhould he meet with it, will not much furprise the author; for he feems to have expected nothing better, when he wrote the following paragraph: "These remarks I mean not to addrefs to our modern advocates for the natural and imprefcriptible rights of man, those benevolent apoftles of liberty, who, in their zeal for the happiness of the whole human race, overlook and utterly difregard all the inferior ties of ordinary patriotism; the predilection for one particular country above all others, the refpect for its laws the duty of obedience to its government, the partial affection for its constitution. Of this enlightened fpecies of philanthropy, it is an effential doctrine, that the military condition, which hitherto, in every civilized nation, has been held as honourable, dignified, and manly, is a state of the moft unjuft, intolerable, and debafing fervitude. "But if, with thefe generous advocates in the cause of humanity, I wave all argument (and that for the best of reasons, because we hold no common principles of reafoning on which the argument could be conducted), it is with real concern, that I am compelled to notice, and, in fo doing, widely to diffent from the opinions of authors of a very different clafs, indeed, from thofe alluded to." These authors are Sir William Blackftone, and Sir Matthew Hale; the former of whom thus expreffes his opinion of Martial law.* "Martial law, which is built upon no fettled principles, but is entirely arbitrary in its decifions, is, as Sir Matthew Hale obferves, t in truth and reality, no law, but fomething indulged rather than allowed as law. The neceffity of order and difcipline in an army is the only thing which can give it countenance; and therefore it ought not to be permitted in time of peace, when the King's courts are open for all perfons to receive juftice according to the laws of the land." After beftowing very liberal but merited applause on Sir Matthew Hale and Sir W. Blackftone for their profound knowledge of the civil laws of their country, Mr. Tytler obferves, of this paragraph, that it" teems with error, with inconfiftency, and with mifreprefentation. The principles of military law," fays he, " are as certain, determinate, and immutable, as are the principles of the common and ftatutary law, which regulate the civil claffes of fociety.-The martial law is a code of regulations for the maintenance of order and discipline in the army. The mutiny-act and the articles of war, *Comment. book i. ch. 13. which contain the rules of that difcipline, are framed by the joint will and co-operation of the two Houfes of Parliament and of the Sovereign, the legislative and executive powers of the State; and the obfervance of thefe rules is enforced, either by plain, fpecific, and fixed penalties appropriated to each offence, where fuch offence is of a pofitive nature admitting of no gradations, or [the penalties] are left, in certain cafes, where the offence admits of degrees of criminality, to the decifion of a jury, in other words, of a court-martial. With what juftice or propriety the military law can therefore be faid, in the words of Judge Blackstone, to be entirely arbitrary in its decifions, every impartial mind will determine.” Having fhewn that the Bill of Rights itself declares a standing army, in time of peace, if with the consent of Parliament, to be legal and conftitutional, our author replies to the concluding fentence of the paragraph quoted, by putting the following pertinent questions: "Can the common and ftatute law, administered in the King's ordinary courts, apply to, or take cognizance of, breaches of military difcipline? Are the civil courts competent to the trial of desertion, mutiny, difobedience of orders, infolence to fuperior officers, breach of arreft, falfe mufters, &c.? Are thefe tribunals vefted with the power of punishing cowardice? Or does the common and statutary law reach the nameless and undefinable offences arifing from that turpitude of conduct in the ordinary occurrences of life, which the military code most emphatically describes as unbecoming the character of an officer or a gentleman? Yet without fome power which is adequate to the reftraint and correction of all thofe [thefe] deviations from the duty of a foldier, the army could not exift for a fingle day." Sir W. Blackstone who feems to have paid very little attention to the military state and the laws by which it is governed, exprefies his regret that the foldiery fhould be reduced to a ftate of fervitude in the midst of a nation of free men ; for Sir Edward Coke, fays he, informs us, "that it is one of the genuine marks of fervitude, to have the law, which is our rule of action, either concealed or precarious: Mifera eft fervitus, ubi jus eft vegum aut incognitum.” In reply to this groundlefs lamentation, our author asks, "where is the country here alluded to, where the military law is either vague and precarious, or unknown? Surely it is not Britain. Can that law be termed vague or precarious, which confists but of a very few fimple regulations, deliberately enacted by the whole branches of the legislature; renewed, it is true, in their binding obligation from year to year, but scarcely undergoing even the most trivial alteration? Can that law be termed concealed or unknown, which receives not only the ordinary promulgation of all other acts of the legislature, by its entry in the printed itatute-book; but which mutt, by pofitive regulation, regulation, be repeatedly inculcated on the memory of every individual of the military profeffion? for the articles of war, the fubstance of the military code, muit be read at the head of every regiment once every two months. How then can it be, with juftice, afferted, that this law is either concealed or precarious? Such pofitions are equally abfurd as they are mifchievous. It gives me pain to make these remarks on a few particular notions of an author, for whole opinions on the general doctrines of the law, I have, in common with the world, the highest refpect. But I plead here the caufe of the Military profeffion, which is injured and degraded through actual ignorance of the nature of its establifhment and laws." This caufe he pleads with complete fuccefs, proving that martial law, fuch as it is defcribed by Hale, and marked by Blackstone, has now no exiftence in Britain; that the mutiny act, which is the foundation of the prefent military code, is more truly the act of the people than any other ftatute of the realm; that the foldier is liable to no penalties not decreed by this act, but fuch as are of a flight and fubordinate nature; and, in a word, that the military law, far from being a set of anomalous" and arbitrary regulations, is a wife, humane, and liberal system, built on principles as fixed and permanent, and refting on a bafis of as undifputed legality as the common and ftatute laws of the land, of which in reality it forms a part." We have dwelt fo long on this introductory chapter, by which we have been at once entertained and inftructed, that we muft poftpone our remarks on the great body of the effay to a fubfequent Number of our Journal. We cannot, however, take our leave of the author at prefent, without noticing a few inaccuracies in his language, which, though they fink into infignificance, when compared with his found principles, legal knowledge, and logical reasoning, it may be worth his while to correct in a fecond edition. Two of these we have pointed out in paffing, and have only to add to them, that the verbs was, were and gave, which, in the first extract, we have printed in Italic characters, fhould be is, are, and gives. It was not an early discovery that a body of profeffional foldiers was, at a period prior to the difcovery, better fitted for attaining the ends of fecurity and defence, &c. but that such a body is at all times better fitted, &c. Again, when fpeaking of the good effect of the efprit du corps, Mr. Tytler furely does not mean to say that the operation of the principle of honour depends upon the military vocation ranking as a profeffion, which, at fome indefinite paft time, gave to its members an appropriate character; but upon its ranking as a profeffion, which gives nozu, gave always, and ever will give to its members fuch a character. The verb, therefore, fhould in both these these sentences be the tense which Harris calls the aorift of the prefent. The fame objection lies to the ufe of were in the beginning of the fecond paragraph: the members of the military body now are, ever were, and ever will be capable of becoming either a powerful inftrument of good, or a formidable engine of evil. These are, undoubtedly, blemishes in style; but blemishes fo trifling, that he who can put them in balance with the beauties of the compofition, muft be confidered, we will not fay as dull, but as a rancorous Jacobin. (To be concluded in our next.) ART. V. Practical Obfervations on the Revelation of St. John. Written in the Year 1775. By the late Mrs. Bowdler. 8vo. 5s. PP. 104. Robinfons and Hatchard. London. 1800. IN the whole courfe of our literary labours, we have never found ourselves more fully rewarded, than in the perufal of the publication before us. It may, perhaps, have gained more upon our hearts, from feeing not only the religious parent training up her offspring in the love of God and the knowledge of his word, but from being able to trace the effects of thefe early inftructions through the progreffive manners and habits of children, who have fulfilled every expectation, and who have exhibited the tracts of their Eunice's education in the face, and to the bleffing of society. We know not, indeed, how to comment on a work which we would recommend to general notice, and in which, could the feverest criticifm difcover any errors, it would be at once difarmed by the avowal, and the motives of its truly christian author for writing it. We will tranfcribe this paffage as it ftands fubjoined to the preface of its amiable editor, and who thus (unconsciously we believe) brings an additional proof to many others, in the poffeffion of the public, of the justice of our reflections. or not "As what I have written muft remain after me, answer the purpose for which it is defigned, I think it due to the modefty of my fex, and the humility of a chriftian, to declare the motives which made me first enter on fo bold an undertaking. I little thought to have fet up for a teacher; but God, who has been pleased to bless me with a numerous family, has thereby made it my duty to inftruct them; and that more especially in the holy fcriptures. Were men born, as fome have imagined, with capacities fufficient of themselves to know and understand the truth, inftruction were not only needlefs but rafh, as tending to prejudice young minds; but my own experience, as well as that of others, has has convinced me this is not the cafe. The mind of man is a blank, and if care be not taken to fill it with useful knowledge, it will fill itself with trifles. Prejudice of education is abfolutely unavoidable. He who is taught, is commonly prejudiced in favour of what he has learnt; he who is untaught, is as really prejudiced against even the most evident truths, merely because he is unacquainted with them. Reafon unaffifted will never teach man his duty; and the instruction of the parent was doubtless the design of Providence. The use of reafon is to apprehend what is taught, and to rectify, when ftrong enough, the mistakes of education. That my clildren may be enabled to do fo, is the chief reason why I have ventured to put my thoughts in writing. Had I only inftructed them by word of mouth, my opinions would have grown familiar, perhaps have been adopted as their own; and, if erroneous, would thereby be more tenaciously retained; whereas, by leaving those opinions in writing, I give them opportunity, not only to examine them by themselves, but to call in the advice of more able perfons. That I may have made many mistakes, is probable; but I hope my endeavours will be mercifully accepted by Him whom alone I ought to seek to please; to whom be glory now and for ever. Amen." We will now resume the purport of our author, which seems to have been, to draw forth from a ftore-houfe of faith, little reforted to and lefs ufed, materials of practical utility-to fit the pattern of heavenly things to earthly realities-to fhew that the whole book of the Apocalypfe, beginning and ending with the work of redemption, was in all its parts fo far intelligible, as to relate to events in which every human being was interefted. And although many of them were fealed up till the mystery of God fhould be finished, though the fong of triumph, the wrath of the nations, the reward of the faints, and the final reign of the Almighty, were terms to which no definite meaning could be affixed; yet proclaiming, as they did, the triumph of Chrift over fin and death, the protection of the faithful, and the deftruction of his enemies, they ftill taught us the confolations of hope, and the bleffings of repentance: they inculcated the leffon of charity and brotherly love, and brought us before the throne of mercy to worship our God, our creator, our redeemer, and fanctifier. Through a feries of prophetic warnings, they uniformly guided us to our great deliverer, and under every emblem, in every fymbolical reprefentation, the church of Chrift was called upon to witness, and to receive the unbroken promise of her Saviour-Lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world. We wish not, in any fenfe, to detract from the merit and the labours of those, who have ventured to break the seal of prophecy, nor can we call it an idle curiofity to endeavour to look, as far as we are able, from the past and present, into future |