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he shall stir up his power and his courage against the king of the south with a great army; and the king of the south shall be stirred up to battle with a very great and mighty
army; but he shall not stand: for they shall forecast devices 26 against him. Yea, they that feed of the portion of his
meat shall destroy him, and his army shall overflow: and 27 many shall fall down slain. And both these kings' hearts shall be to do mischief, and they shall speak lies at one
25—28. Antiochus' first Egyptian expedition (B.C. 170).
a great army...a very great and mighty army] We have no independent evidence as to the relative size of the armies of Antiochus and Philometor. There is however no reason to suppose that the author would not represent correctly what had taken place only two or three years before he wrote.
but he shall not stand, for they shall devise devices against him] In spite of his superior army, Philometor could not maintain the contest, owing to the treachery of his adherents. We cannot say more particularly what is referred to: it is possible that the fortress of Pelusium, and Philometor himself, both fell into Antiochus' hands by treachery.
26. And they that eat of his delicacies (i. 5) shall break him] some of his courtiers will be his ruin. For the expression, cf. 1 Kin. ii. 7, those that eat of thy table'; break, as v. 20. The allusion may be to Eulaeus and Lenaeus, at whose ill-advised suggestion it was that Philometor was first led to think of reconquering Syria, and the former of whom, after the battle of Pelusium, persuaded the king to abandon his country. Ptolemy Macron, also, the very capable (Polyb. xxvii. 12) governor of Cyprus (though this was perhaps later), deserted to Antiochus (2 Macc. x. 13).
and his army shall overflow'] i.e. Antiochus' army. But the pronouns from v. 256 refer all to Philometor: the verb should therefore probably be vocalized as a passive (199!) and his army (Philometor’s) shall be flooded (or swept) away; the word, as v. 22.
and many shall fall down slain] cf. 1 Macc. i. 18, ‘and many fell down slain' (also of Antiochus' victories in Egypt), where the Greek (except in the tense) is exactly the same as in LXX. and Theod. here.
27. And as for the two kings, their heart (shall be) for mischief; and at one table they shall speak lies] Antiochus and Philometor, after the latter had fallen into his uncle's hands, were outwardly on friendly terms with one another ; but their friendship was insincere, as is expressively shewn by the picture which the writer's words suggest: sitting and eating at one table, they both in fact spoke lies,-Antiochus, in professing disinterestedness, as though his only object were to gain Egypt for his nephew's benefit, (cui regnum quaeri suis viribus simulabat, Livy xlv. 11), and Philometor in feigning that he believed his uncle's assurances, and cherished for him gratitude and regard.
table; but it shall not prosper : for yet the end shall be at the time appointed. Then shall he return into his land 28 with great riches; and his heart shall be against the holy
but it shall not prosper] The common plan, on which they were supposed to be agreed, the conquest of Egypt, ostensibly for Philometor, in reality for Antiochus.
for the end (remaineth) yet for the time appointed] matters will not yet be settled in Egypt: the end of Antiochus' doings there belongs still to a time fixed in the future.
It must be admitted that some of the references in vv. 25—27 (esp. in v. 27) would be more pointed and significant, if they could be supposed to allude to events in the second Egyptian campaign of Antiochus, as well as to events in the first. Upon the chronology adopted above (which is that of most modern historians), this can only be, if the author, neglecting the strict chronological sequence, throws the first two Egyptian campaigns together, and then (v. 28) proceeds to describe the attack upon Jerusalem. We do not, however, possess any continuous narrative of the events of Antiochus' reign; nor does there seem to be any express statement that Antiochus returned to Syria, or even that he left Egypt, at the close of what is described above as his first' Egyptian expedition; hence it is possible that Mahaffyl is right in his contention that Antiochus' first two campaigns (as they are commonly called) were in reality only two stages in one campaign—the first stage ending at Pelusium, and the second embracing the conquest of Egypt, and both belonging to the year B.C. 170. If this view be adopted, the attack upon Jerusalem (v. 28; 1 Macc. i. 20—24) will come at the end of what is called above the 'second' Egyptian expedition (but thrown back now to B.c. 170) ?, and both that and the 'first' Egyptian expedition will be summarized in vv. 25—28 and 1 Macc. i. 16–19.
28. Then] And. A chronological sequence is not expressed in the Heb.; and is perhaps (see the beginning of the last note) not intended by the writer.
he shall return to his own land] in 170, at the close of his ‘first' Egyptian campaign,-in whatever sense this may be understood (see on v. 27). The clause anticipates what really took place only after what is described in the two following clauses; and hence, it is repeated, in its proper place, at the end of the verse.
with great substance) the 'spoils of Egypt'(1 Macc. i. 19): the word, as vv. 13, 24. Cf. the allusion in Orac. Sib. iii. 614–5.
against the holy covenant] alluding to Antiochus hostile visit to Jerusalem, in which he 'entered presumptuously into the sanctuary,' and carried away the golden vessels, and other treasures, belonging to the Temple, besides massacring many of the Jews (1 Macc. i. 20—24).
1 Empire of the Ptolemies, p. 494 f., cf. pp. 333-337, 340. So Wellhausen, Isr. und Jüd. Gesch. (1894), p. 203 n. (ed. 3, 1897, p. 246 n.).
? An interval of two years between this attack upon Jerusalem, and the persecuting edict of B.C. 168 is required by the dates in 1 Macc. i. 20 and 1 Macc. i. 29, 54.
covenant; and he shall do exploits, and return to his own land. At the time appointed he shall return, and come toward the south; but it shall not be as the former, or as the latter. For the ships of Chittim shall come against him: therefore he shall be grieved, and return, and have indignation against the holy covenant: so shall he do; he shall even return, and have intelligence with them that
and he shall do] in the pregnant sense explained on viii. 12: R.V. 'do (his pleasure).' and return to his own land] 1 Macc. i. 24; 2 Macc. V. 21.
Antiochus' (third' Egyptian expedition (B.C. 168). the time appointed] the time fixed in the counsels of God.
but it shall not be in the latter time as in the former) this expedition will not be as successful as the previous one.
30—39. Antiochus' retreat from Egypt, (v. 30a), and the measures adopted by him shortly afterwards against the Jews (vv. 306—39).
30. For Kitian ships shall come against him] The allusion is to C. Popillius Laenas and the other Roman legates, who, as described above (p. 181), obliged Antiochus, when within sight of Alexandria, to withdraw his forces unconditionally from Egypt. Kittim, properly the Kitians, or people of Kitti (in Phoen. Inscriptions 'n), a well-known town in Cyprus, the Greek Kition; hence in the O.T. the name of the inhabitants of Cyprus, Gen. x. 4; Is. xxiii. 1, 12; somewhat more widely, in Jer. ii. 10; Ez. xxvii. 6, 'isles (or coast-lands) of the Kitians,' of the islands and coasts of the Mediterranean Sea. By the later Jews it was used still more generally for any western maritime people (cf. Jos. Ant. 1. i. 1); thus in i Macc. i. 1, viii. 5 it denotes the Macedonians, and here ‘Kitian ships' means Roman ships (so LXX. kai ūčovoi 'Pwualol). The expression is suggested by the terms of Balaam's prophecy in Num. xxiv. 24 (where, however, it is not certain what exactly is denoted by it).
and he shall be cowed, and return] 'cowed' (a rare word: Ps. cix. 16, A.V., R. V., badly, 'broken in heart'), viz. by the summary manner in which Popillius treated him. Cf. the terms used by Polyb. (xxix. JI), “Antiochus accordingly withdrew his forces to Syria, βαρυνόμενος και στένων, είκων δε τους καιρούς κατά το παρόν' ; and Livy Oostupefactus tam violento imperio' (the demand of Popillius).
have indignation &c.] a stronger expression than was used in v. 28; he will this time be incensed against it.
and he shall do] viz. his pleasure, as v. 28.
and he shall return (viz. home to Antioch), ana have regard unto (v. 37 Heb.) them that &c.] After his return home he will fix his attention upon the apostate Jews, and use them as his agents, for the purpose of carrying out his designs. Shortly before the time of Antiochus there had'arisen a party among the Jews, whose object was to Hellenize their
The word (73) might possibly, however, have here its Syriac sense of rebuked: çf. LXX. éußpeuńcovrai aúrõ, a word which in Matth. ix. 30 is represented in the Pesh. by XX.
forsake the holy covenant. And arms shall stand on his 31 part, and they shall pollute the sanctuary of strength, and shall take away the daily sacrifice, and they shall place
nation, and obliterate its distinctive characteristics (1 Macc. i. 11–15,– in v. 15 "and they made themselves uncircumcised, and forsook the holy covenant, and joined themselves to the Gentiles, and sold themselves to do evil'). Jason, the renegade high-priest (see on ix. 26), was one of the leaders of the movement; and he and others obtained Antiochus' sanction and authority to construct in Jerusalem a 'gymnasium,' or exercise-ground, after the Greek model, and introduce other Greek customs. The result was that Greek fashions became popular; even the priests, we read, neglected the services of the Temple for the purpose of amusing themselves in the palaestra. See Macc. i. 11-15, 2 Macc. iv. 4–17.
31. And arms—i.e. forces (vv. 15, 22)—(coming) from him shall stand up) or (following the interpunction expressed by the Heb. accents), shall stand up at his instance (Is. xxx. 1, Heb.); 'stand up,' i.e. be set on foot, organized (cf. in the causative conj. v. 11). The 'arms' are the armed force sent by Antiochus to take possession of Jerusalem (see the next note).
and they shall pollute the sanctuary (even) the stronghold] The Temple at this time was fortified with high walls, which were broken down by the soldiers of Antiochus, but afterwards rebuilt (1 Macc. iv. 60, vi. 7): hence it is called a 'stronghold. For the facts, see 1 Macc. i. 29 ff." Apollonius (2 Macc. v. 24), coming with an armed force, but lulling with friendly words the suspicions of the people, fell upon the city suddenly on a sabbath-day; and having obtained possession of it, took women and children prisoners, demolished many of the houses and fortifications, and strengthening the citadel (which overlooked the Temple), established in it a Syrian garrison. Cf. 1 Macc. i. 34, 36, 37, ‘And they put there [in the citadel] a sinful nation (the Syrian garrison), transgressors of the law (ävdpas trapavouovs), and they strengthened themselves therein.... And it became a place to lie in wait in against the sanctuary (ěvedpov to åyıáopati), and an evil adversary unto Israel continually. And they shed innocent blood round about the sanctuary, and defiled the sanctuary' (comp. ii. 12).
and shall take away the continual (burnt-offering)] cf. viii. 11, where the expression is similar, and the reference is the same. Apollonius had not been long in possession of Jerusalem when Antiochus, wishing to unify his empire, and to assimilate as far as possible its different parts, determined to bring it all under the influence of Hellenic culture; and accordingly issued in Judah instructions to obliterate every trace of the ancient religion. All the Jewish sacrifices were to be abolished in the Temple; sabbates and other festivals were to be disregarded ; ceremonial observangen (such as the prohibition to eat unclean food) were to be discontinue the rite of circumcision was prohibited, under pain of death ; books of the law were to be destroyed, and anyone found with them in his possession was to be punished with death.
32 the abomination that maketh desolate. And such as do
wickedly against the covenant shall he corrupt by flatteries :
Special commissioners (ÉTLO KOTOL) were appointed for the purpose
of carrying out these directions. Not only, however, were Jewish institutions to be thrown aside, heathen ones were to take their place; the Temple was to be transformed into a sanctuary of Zeus Olympios (2 Macc. vi. 2), heathen altars and shrines were to be set up, swine's Hesh and unclean beasts were to be sacrificed; and officers were appointed to see that all these injunctions were duly carried out (1 Macc. i. 41–53). The suspension of the Temple services (to which the words of the present verse allude) began in December, B.C. 168, and continued for rather more than three years (see p. 119).
and they shall set up the abomination that causeth appalment) i.e. the heathen altar erected on the altar of burnt-offering. See 1 Macc. i. 54, 'And on the 15th day of Chisleu (December) they builded an abomination of desolation (Bdé vyua épnucoews,—the same expression which is used in the LXX. here) upon the altar,' and (v. 59) 'on the 25th day of the month they sacrificed upon the (idol-) altar (Bwubr), which was upon the altar (of God) (Avolaothplov)': cf. also vi. 7. A statue of Zeus Olympios was most probably associated with the altar? On 'causeth appalment,' see on viii. 13; and cf. the parallel passages ix. 27, xii. 11.
In explanation of the somewhat peculiar expression used, an ingenious and probable suggestion has been made by Nestle (ZAT W. 1884, p. 248; cf. Bevan, p. 293). The Heb. for that causeth appalment' is shõmēm (viii. 13, xii. 11), or měshõmēm (ix. 27, xi. 3.:); and according to Nestle, the 'abomination that causeth appalment' is a contemptuous allusion to D'ow sya Ba'al shāmayim (“Baal of heaven”), a title occurring often in Phoenician, and (with shāmin for shāmayim) Aramaic inscriptions, and in the Syriac version of 2 Macc. vi. 2 found actually for the Zeùs 'OXúpitios of the Greek; the altar (with probably the accompanying statue of Zeus) erected by Antiochus upon the altar of burntoffering being termed derisively by the Jews the abomination that causeth appalment,' the 'abomination being the altar (and image?) of Zeus (Baal), and shõmēm being a punning variation of shāmayim.
32. And such as do wickedly (ix. 5, xii. 10) against the covenant] the disloyal Jews.
shall he make profane (Jer. xxiii. 1)] by abetting them in their designs, he will lead them from bad to worse. In Syr. the root here used acquired the special sense of gentile (e.g. Matth. vi. 7, xviii. 17, Pesh.), apostate, and represents, for instance, Hellenic, Greek (2 Macc.
1 Cf. the tradition in the Mishna (Taanith iv. 659972 by TOYU), Euseb. (ap. Sync. 542, 21 και τον ναόν βεβηλοι Διός Ολυμπίου βδέλυγμα αναστηλώσας év avto), and Jerome (on Dan. xi. 31, ‘Jovis Olympii simulacrum '), referred to by Grätz, Gesch. 11. 2, p. 314 f.
'Abomination of desolation' (Greek versions of Dan., 1 Macc. i. 54) is not a possible rendering of the Heb. 'Abomination that maketh desolate' is possible; and, if correct, must imply that the heathen emblem standing in ti? court of the Temple was regarded as bringing with it the desertion and desolation of the sanctuary (cf. 1 Macc. iv. 38; and see also above, on viii. 13, and p. 151).